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MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATURK Biography (English -Deutsch)

Mustafa Kemal Pascha, seit 1934 mit dem Nachnamen Atatürk (osmanisch مصطفى كمال پاشا Muṣṭafâ Kemâl Paşa; * 1881 in Selânik, heute Thessaloniki; † 10. November 1938 in Istanbul), war der Begründer der Republik Türkei und von 1923 bis 1938 erster Präsident der nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg aus dem Osmanischen Reich hervorgegangenen modernen Republik.

Seine Verdienste als Offizier bei der Verteidigung der Halbinsel Gallipoli 1915 gegen alliierte Truppen, welche die Dardanellen unter ihre Kontrolle bringen wollten, und ab 1921 der Abwehrkampf gegen die nach Anatolien vorgedrungenen Griechen haben ihn zur Symbolfigur türkischen Selbstbehauptungswillens und Nationalbewusstseins werden lassen. Als Machtpolitiker, der die Modernisierung seines Landes nach westlichem Vorbild beharrlich vorantrieb, hat er mit der Abschaffung von Sultanat und Kalifat sowie mit weitreichenden gesellschaftlichen Reformen einen in dieser Form einmaligen Staatstypus geschaffen. Darauf beruhen – trotz teilweiser Kontroversen über sein Wirken – die personenkultartige Verehrung, die ihm in der Türkei bis heute entgegengebracht wird, und die Unangefochtenheit des ihm 1934 vom türkischen Parlament verliehenen Nachnamens Atatürk (Vater der Türken)

Leben und Wirken

Herkunft und Jugend

Geboren wurde Mustafa als Sohn der seit 1871 verheirateten Eheleute Ali Rıza Efendi und Zübeyde Hanım 1881 in Selânik, dem heute griechischen Thessaloniki, das damals Teil des Osmanischen Reiches war. Zugleich war es Heimstatt verschiedener Völker, in der Muslime mit Juden und Christen vorwiegend friedlich zusammenlebten. Mustafas Großvater väterlicherseits hieß Kızıl Hafız Ahmed Efendi. Seine Mutter war Tochter einer alteingesessenen bäuerlichen Familie des Städtchens Langaza (heute Langadas) bei Thessaloniki.

Es gibt verschiedene Vermutungen über Atatürks ethnische Abstammung – nach einigen Berichten soll er albanisch-mazedonischer Herkunft sein, er selbst behauptete später, von den Yörük-Turkmenen abzustammen –, jedoch gibt es für keine dieser Aussagen hinreichende Belege.[1] Gesichert ist, dass seine Eltern und seine nahen Verwandten türkische Muttersprachler waren.[2]

Sein Vater Ali Rıza war zunächst als Beamter im Amt für religiöse Stiftungen, 1876/77 als Leutnant eines Freiwilligenbataillons, sodann als Zollbeamter und als Holzhändler tätig gewesen.[3] Von fünf Geschwistern Mustafas erreichte nur die Schwester Makbûle Atadan das Erwachsenenalter. Mustafa Kemals eigenes genaues Geburtsdatum steht nicht fest. Er selbst wählte dafür später den 19. Mai – das Datum, an dem er 1919 mit 38 Jahren in der anatolischen Küstenstadt Samsun landete, um Kräfte für die Befreiung des Landes von den Siegermächten des Ersten Weltkriegs und vom Sultanat zu sammeln.

Mustafas Kindheit war von mehreren Umbrüchen bestimmt, in denen mitunter bereits sein ausgeprägter Eigenwille[4] und seine Durchsetzungsfähigkeit zur Geltung kamen. Nur wenige Tage besuchte er, vor allem wegen der Aufnahmezeremonie, die von der Mutter gewollte Koranschule. Dann wechselte er mit Unterstützung des Vaters auf eine Privatschule nach westlichem Vorbild. Als er sieben Jahre alt war, starb sein Vater. Die Mutter, die ihre beiden verbliebenen Kinder kaum ernähren konnte, zog zu ihrem Bruder aufs Land, wo keinerlei geregelter Schulbesuch möglich war. Nach zweijähriger Schulpause wurde Mustafa in die Obhut seiner Tante in Thessaloniki gegeben, damit er wieder am Unterricht teilnehmen und nebenbei das Vieh des Onkels hüten konnte. Schlimme Prügel, verbunden mit blutigen Striemen auf dem Rücken, die er von einem Lehrer bezog, ließen ihn zum wiederholten Male zum Schulabbrecher werden und die Mittelschule relegierte ihn. Als Zwölfjähriger bewarb er sich dann heimlich an der militärischen Mittelschule in Saloniki, bestand die Aufnahmeprüfung und setzte seinen Willen anschließend gegen den Widerstand der Mutter durch. Den Beinamen Kemal (arabisch: Vollendung) hat ihm nach eigenem Bekunden sein dortiger Mathematiklehrer gegeben, den er mit seinen Fähigkeiten beeindruckte. Die Abschlussprüfung 1895 absolvierte er als Viertbester.

Militärische Schulung und politische Anfänge (1896–1905)

Seine Ausbildung setzte er 1896, fernab der Familie, im westmazedonischen Manastır (heute Bitola) an der dortigen höheren Militärschule (Kadettenschule) fort. An dieser, wie auch an anderen militärischen Ausbildungsstätten des damaligen Osmanischen Reiches, gab es starke westlich orientierte Reformbestrebungen.

Im Verlauf des 19. Jahrhunderts waren Öffnungstendenzen gegenüber dem Westen – bis hin zu der von Sultan Abdülhamid II. 1876 eingeführten Verfassung (nebst Parlament), die er allerdings zwei Jahre später widerrief – wiederholt von osmanischen Herrschern gefördert worden. Für die jungtürkische Oppositionsbewegung (vor allem an den Militärschulen), an die Mustafa Kemal nun in Manastır Anschluss fand, war dies der Ansatzpunkt.
Die älteste Fotografie mit Mustafa Kemal zeigt ihn 1901 in Gesellschaft seiner Schulkameraden der Militärschule (sitzend von links nach rechts: Kâzım Özalp, Mustafa Kemal und Ali Fuat).
Mustafa Kemal mit 26 Jahren (1907)

Nach wiederum hervorragend bestandener Abschlussprüfung gelangte Mustafa Kemal 1899 als Offizieranwärter an die Militärakademie in Istanbul. Hier wurde er wegen oppositioneller politischer Umtriebe auffällig, profitierte aber von der Protektion des liberalen Akademiedirektors. Bald nach dem Ende seiner Offiziersausbildung geriet er in die Fänge des Geheimdienstes, musste mehrere Monate im Gefängnis verbringen und kam nur durch die neuerliche Fürsprache des Direktors der Militärakademie wieder auf freien Fuß. Die Geheimdienstakte seiner Verfehlungen verzeichnete nicht nur politische Unbotmäßigkeit, sondern u. a. auch den als unehrenhaft geltenden Umgang mit Prostituierten und eine Alkoholkrankheit.[5] Der übermäßige Konsum von Rakı, einem Schnaps, dem der unter Schlafstörungen Leidende zusprach, sollte in der Tat späterhin zu einem lebensverkürzenden gesundheitlichen Problem werden. 1902 schloss er die Kriegsschule als Achtbester ab und wurde zur Stabsausbildung zugelassen. Zugleich wurde er zum Unterleutnant befördert.

Die Militärakademie hatte er Anfang 1905 unter vierzig Absolventen seines Jahrgangs als Fünftbester im Dienstrange eines Hauptmanns (Yüzbaşı) beendet, was eine Karriere als Stabsoffizier erwarten ließ.

Militärische Laufbahn (1906–1919)

Bis er nach den Niederlagen des Osmanischen Reiches im Ersten Weltkrieg als Reorganisator der türkischen Gesellschaft wirken konnte, hatte Mustafa Kemal eine ganze Reihe vergeblicher Anläufe genommen, zu einer staatlichen Führungsposition zu gelangen.

Wegen Aktivitäten für die Geheimzeitung „Vatan“ (türkisch Vaterland) und der Organisation heimlicher Versammlungen wurde er verhaftet und nach einer wochenlangen Inhaftierung in Einzelhaft 1906 fernab der politischen Brennpunkte auf einen Außenposten in Damaskus abkommandiert.[6] Dort ging er gegen die aufständischen arabischen Drusen im Hauran vor. In Damaskus kam Mustafa Kemal in Kontakt mit einem Anhänger der oppositionellen Jungtürken, der an einem gescheiterten Attentat auf Sultan Abdülhamid II. beteiligt gewesen war. Durch einen Buchladen handelte er u. a. mit verbotenen französischen Schriften. Mustafa Kemals Gruppierung „Vatan ve Hürriyet Cemiyeti“ fusionierte mit dem jungtürkischen Komitee für Einheit und Fortschritt, für das Mustafa Kemal in Jerusalem, Jaffa und Beirut weitere Mitglieder anwarb. Ende 1906 gab ihm sein militärischer Vorgesetzter Rückendeckung für eine verdeckte Reise zurück nach Saloniki, wo Mustafa Kemal eine Zweigstelle seiner Geheimgesellschaft gründete, aber vergeblich Zugang zu den führenden Köpfen der jungtürkischen Opposition suchte. Der Gefahr, hier als Deserteur entdeckt zu werden, begegnete er durch seine rechtzeitige Rückreise nach Syrien.

Nach seiner Beförderung zum „kolağası“ wurde er im September 1907 nach Mazedonien versetzt. Doch auch das verschaffte ihm keinen Eintritt in den Führungszirkel des jungtürkischen Komitees für Einheit und Fortschritt. So war es der um ein Jahr jüngere jungtürkische Offizier und sein langjähriger politischer Rivale Enver, der den Sultan mit einer Militärrevolte zwang, die Verfassung von 1876 wieder in Kraft zu setzen, und der Mustafa Kemal dann für lange Zeit politisch im Abseits hielt.

Die politischen Ziele Envers und Mustafa Kemals unterschieden sich vor allem in zwei Punkten. Während Enver die militärischen Verbindungen zum Deutschen Kaiserreich möglichst eng halten und im Kriegsfall mit den Deutschen „gemeinsame Sache“ machen wollte, lehnte Mustafa Kemal dies ab und strebte die unabhängige Reorganisation der osmanischen Armee an. Und während Enver für die Zukunft ein pantürkisches Reich unter Einschluss der Turkvölker Mittelasiens avisierte, waren Mustafa Kemals nationalstaatliche Vorstellungen von vornherein in etwa an der heutigen Ausdehnung des türkischen Staatsgebietes orientiert. 1908 wurde er dem Generalstab des Armeekorps in Saloniki zugeteilt.

Danach erhielt er Gelegenheit, seine militärischen Organisations- und Führungsfähigkeiten zu zeigen: 1909 wurde er zum Ausbildungsleiter jener Divisionen berufen, durch deren Einsatz Abdülhamid II. zur Abtretung der Sultanswürde an seinen Bruder Mehmed V. gezwungen wurde, nachdem Abdülhamid gegen das neugewählte Parlament vorgegangen war. 1910 nahm Mustafa Kemal als Beobachter an den französischen Herbstmanövern bei Grandvilliers in der Picardie teil und kam so erstmals nach Westeuropa.

Italiens imperialistisches Ausgreifen nach Nordafrika 1911 führte zur Entsendung Enver Paschas, der in Tripolis die osmanischen Truppen gegen die Italiener in den Kampf führen sollte. Mustafa Kemal meldete sich freiwillig für diesen Einsatz und wurde gleichfalls beauftragt. Beider Rivalität nahm hier bereits deutliche Züge an. Im Oktober 1912 gab das Osmanische Reich die nordafrikanischen Provinzen verloren, da die Lage auf dem Balkan eine militärische Kräftekonzentration erforderte. Bulgaren, Griechen und Serben belagerten im Ersten Balkankrieg Adrianopel (heute Edirne) und schickten sich an, auch die Reste der osmanischen Herrschaft auf dem europäischen Kontinent zu beseitigen. Als im Streit um die Kriegsbeute dann aber 1913 im Zweiten Balkankrieg Bulgaren und Griechen aneinandergerieten, nutzten die jungtürkischen Militärs unter Envers Führung die Gelegenheit zur Rückeroberung Edirnes. Damit hatte Enver sich erneut für eine steile politische Karriere empfohlen: Er wurde umgehend Kriegsminister. Mustafa Kemal wurde zum Oberstleutnant befördert und vom Generalstab mit der vorerst wenig anspruchsvollen Aufgabe betraut, die Führung jener Streitkräfte zu übernehmen, die die Dardanellen und die Halbinsel Gallipoli zu verteidigen hatten.

Im Herbst 1913 wurde er als Militärattaché an die osmanische Botschaft in Sofia versetzt. Dies war eine neuerliche politische Kaltstellung, die er mit seinem politischen Weggefährten Ali Fethi teilte, der als Generalsekretär des jungtürkischen Komitees für Einheit und Fortschritt abgelöst und als Botschafter ebenfalls nach Sofia befördert wurde. Mustafa Kemal nutzte allerdings den Zeitraum vor Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkriegs, um sich in Sofia mit diplomatischen Gepflogenheiten und Umgangsformen vertraut zu machen, was ihm später als Staatspräsident sehr zustattenkommen sollte.

Erst nach wiederholten vergeblichen Anfragen zu Beginn des Weltkriegs wurde ihm im Januar 1915 das Kommando über die auf der Halbinsel Gallipoli stationierte 19. Division der 5. Armee übertragen. Auf diesem Posten vollbrachte er im Abwehrkampf gegen die Alliierten, welche die Herrschaft über die Dardanellen erringen wollten, eine legendäre militärische Glanztat, die schließlich den Rücktritt des britischen Ersten Lords der Admiralität Winston Churchill zur Folge hatte. Von seinem obersten militärischen Vorgesetzten Enver Pascha wurde Mustafa Kemal aber weiterhin missachtet, so dass er bereits ein Abschiedsgesuch vorbereitete. Durch Vermittlung des deutschen Oberbefehlshabers der 5. Armee, General Liman von Sanders, der sich mahnend an Enver wandte, verblieb Mustafa Kemal letztlich im Dienst.

Im Januar 1916 versetzte man Mustafa Kemal nach Edirne. Ende Februar 1916 wurde er mit seinen Einheiten zur Verstärkung der 3. Armee an die anatolische Ostfront verlegt. Für seine Verdienste bei der Verteidigung Gallipolis erhielt er nachträglich die Beförderung zum General, verbunden mit dem Ehrentitel Pascha. Die Russische Revolution 1917 führte zur Beruhigung der militärischen Lage im Osten, was Enver zu neuen offensiven Vorstößen gegen die Engländer in Mesopotamien und Ägypten inspirierte, während Mustafa Kemal die Konzentration auf die Verteidigung des anatolischen Kernlandes für nötig hielt und sich Envers Plänen offen widersetzte. Daraufhin wurde er – vorgeblich wegen Krankheit – vom Dienst beurlaubt.

Als Sieger von Gallipoli wurde er zur Jahreswende 1917/18 für einen Besuch des Kronprinzen Vahideddin bei Kaiser Wilhelm II. im deutschen militärischen Hauptquartier in Spa als Militärattaché und persönlicher Adjutant bestimmt. Den Optimismus des Ersten Generalquartiermeisters Erich Ludendorff und Generalfeldmarschalls Paul von Hindenburg zur geplanten Frühjahresoffensive für das Jahr 1918 teilte Mustafa nicht. Ludendorff und Hindenburg konnten auf seine Frage, welches konkrete Ziel die Offensive eigentlich habe, keine ausreichende Antwort geben.[7]

Mustafa Kemal gelang es trotz mehrerer Vorstöße nicht, Kronprinz Vahideddin für seine Vorstellungen und Machtambitionen in der Führung des Osmanischen Reiches zu gewinnen. Als Vahideddin im Juni 1918 tatsächlich die Thronfolge antrat, erhielt Mustafa Kemal bald ein wichtiges Armeekommando an der Palästinafront. Vor der Rückkehr in die Türkei am 27. Juli 1918 verweilte Mustafa Kemal zur Therapie einer Nierenbeckenentzündung noch für einige Wochen als Kurgast im böhmischen Karlsbad, wo er seinen alten Förderer Cemal Pascha traf.

Nach dem Debakel in Palästina gaben Enver und seine Regierungsvertrauten Anfang Oktober 1918 ihre Positionen auf und flohen außer Landes. Auch ihre Nachfolger verweigerten jedoch Mustafa Kemal Pascha das von ihm angestrebte Kriegsministerium. Vahideddin ernannte Mustafa Kemal am 30. Oktober 1918 noch zum Oberbefehlshaber der Heeresgruppe Yıldırım, um die Verteidigung Syriens gegen die Briten zu übernehmen, ein aus Sicht der Hohen Pforte bereits aussichtsloses Unterfangen, das dann auch nur auf einen geordneten Rückzug hinauslief.

Angesichts der nach dem Waffenstillstand von Mudros am 30. Oktober beginnenden alliierten Besatzungspolitik empfahl er demobilisierten Truppen, sich zu Guerillaverbänden im Inneren Anatoliens zu formieren und sich für einen künftigen Befreiungskampf bereitzuhalten. Unterdessen lief Mustafa Kemal nach einer neuerlichen Parlamentsauflösung durch Sultan Mehmet VI. Vahideddin selbst Gefahr, als potentieller Oppositioneller unschädlich gemacht zu werden. Seine Lage klärte sich auf unverhoffte Weise, als er – im Mai 1919 zum Generalinspekteur ernannt – zur Bekämpfung griechischer Milizen im Hinterland von Samsun und zur Demobilisierung der IX. Armee nach Ostanatolien entsandt wurde, wo mit Kâzım Karabekir und Ali Fuad zwei Heerführer mit ihren Truppen bereitstanden, die sich seiner Führung unterordneten.

Befreiungskrieg und Republiksgründung (1919–1924)

Am 15. Mai 1919, unmittelbar vor Mustafa Kemals Einschiffung nach Samsun, hatte die von der britischen Regierung unterstützte griechische Invasion in Smyrna (heute Izmir) begonnen. Diese ging dann in eine östliche Expansionsbewegung griechischer Truppen über, die von der Regierung in Konstantinopel nicht verhindert werden konnte. Generalinspekteur Mustafa Kemal machte sich daraufhin daran, den Widerstand gegen die Besatzungsmächte zu organisieren, und leistete den Telegrammen aus Konstantinopel, die seine Rückberufung anordneten, keine Folge. Auf seine Entlassung reagierte er mit dem Ablegen der Uniform und der Einberufung von Kongressen in Erzurum und Sivas sowie der Gründung der Nationalversammlung 1920 in Ankara (Ankara wurde in der Folge nach und nach zur neuen türkischen Hauptstadt ausgebaut). Diese machte ihn zu ihrem Vorsitzenden und ernannte eine gegen den Sultan und die Alliierten gerichtete Regierung. Aufgrund der Opposition wurde er zusammen mit weiteren Führungsmitgliedern von der osmanischen Regierung durch den Scheichülislam mit einer Todesfatwa belegt und vom Istanbuler Militärgericht in Abwesenheit zum Tode verurteilt.[8]

Den von der Regierung in Istanbul am 10. August 1920 unterschriebenen Friedensvertrag von Sèvres, der eine weitgehende Kontrolle der Alliierten (Briten, Franzosen, Griechen, Russen und Italiener) über einen osmanischen Reststaat festschrieb, lehnte die Große Nationalversammlung empört ab und erklärte die Unterzeichner zu Verrätern.

Im Januar und im März 1921 errangen die Truppen der Befreiungsarmee im Türkischen Befreiungskrieg unter Führung des Kommandeurs der Westfront Oberst İsmet bei İnönü zwei große Siege über die Griechen. Nunmehr wurde Mustafa Kemal von der Nationalversammlung zum Oberbefehlshaber ernannt. Angesichts nochmaliger griechischer Truppenverstärkungen ordnete Mustafa Kemal einen vorläufigen taktischen Rückzug hinter den Fluss Sakarya an und ließ sich in Vorbereitung des Entscheidungskampfes mit unbegrenzten Vollmachten ausstatten. Mit einem die Griechen überraschenden Konzept flexibler Flächenverteidigung – statt eines starren Stellungskriegs – gelang es ihm in der Schlacht am Sakarya im August 1921, die Griechen unter Generalmajor Nikolaos Trikoupis erneut zurückzuschlagen. Fünf von acht griechischen Divisionen wurden dabei aufgerieben. Mustafa Kemal wurde dafür im September 1921 von der Nationalversammlung zum Marschall (türk.: Mareşal) ernannt und mit dem Ehrentitel Gazi geehrt. Doch erst nach einem weiteren Jahr des Kräftesammelns gelang es Mustafa Kemal mit einem Überraschungsangriff bei Dumlupınar am 26. August 1922, die griechischen Truppen in die Flucht zu schlagen.

Der Vertrag von Sèvres war damit hinfällig und wurde nach Verhandlungen mit der, nun von den Alliierten anerkannten, Regierung in Ankara 1923 durch den Vertrag von Lausanne (türk.: Lozan, Name von Straßen und Plätzen) ersetzt, der – bis auf die Meerengen und das 1939 angeschlossene Gebiet von İskenderun – die Souveränität der Türkei in den heute bestehenden Grenzen herstellte. Beim folgenden Bevölkerungsaustausch zwischen Griechenland und der Türkei mussten eineinhalb Millionen Griechen Kleinasien verlassen, und eine halbe Million Türken aus Griechenland wurden in die Türkei umgesiedelt.
Mustafa Kemal Pascha am 29. Oktober 1923, dem Tag der Ausrufung der Republik Türkei

Mit seiner auf den eigenen Machterhalt gerichteten nachgiebigen Haltung gegenüber den Alliierten hatte Sultan Mehmed VI. sich selbst und seine Stellung diskreditiert. Die von Mustafa Kemal im November 1922 energisch betriebene Abschaffung des Sultanats stieß deshalb zunächst kaum auf Widerstand. Ein Kalif (Abdülmecit II.) war danach das nominelle Staatsoberhaupt des alten Osmanischen Reiches. Am 29. Oktober 1923 wurde schließlich durch eine große Verfassungsänderung die Republik Türkei gegründet, geleitet von einem Präsidenten als Regierungsspitze und alleinigem Leiter der Exekutive. Dieses Amt war auf Anspruch und Stellung von Mustafa Kemal zugeschnitten. Daneben gab es noch den in Istanbul residierenden Kalifen.

Nicht nur in ihren Anfängen, sondern bis heute ist die Republik Türkei mit Mustafa und seinem Namen engstens verknüpft. Seine politischen Leitlinien, die Prinzipien des Kemalismus, werden offiziell weiterhin hochgehalten. Es sind dies: Republikanismus im Sinne von Volkssouveränität, Nationalismus als Wendung gegen den Vielvölkerstaat des osmanischen Zuschnitts, Populismus als Ausdruck einer auf die Interessen des Volkes, nicht einer Klasse gerichteten Politik, Revolutionismus im Sinne einer stetigen Fortführung von Reformen, Laizismus, d. h. Trennung von Staat und Religion, und Etatismus mit partieller staatlicher Wirtschaftslenkung.

Zur Absicherung der neuen Staatsordnung und zur Durchsetzung des Leitbilds einer laizistischen Republik musste aber nicht nur mit dem Sultanat der Osmanen gebrochen werden, sondern auch mit dem Kalifat. Als Kalifen sahen sich die osmanischen Herrscher als „Vertreter des Propheten Gottes“ und als die religiösen Oberhäupter aller Muslime.[9] Das osmanische Kalifat hatte jedoch mit dem zunehmenden Niedergang des Reiches stark an Einfluss in der islamischen Welt eingebüßt. Um bei der Republik-Gründung nicht die Opposition der Strenggläubigen hervorzurufen, hatte Mustafa Kemal, als er den Sultan ins Exil gezwungen hatte, die Würde des Kalifen zunächst auf dessen Cousin Abdülmecit II. übertragen lassen. 1924 schien ihm dann der Zeitpunkt gekommen, auch diesen Sammelpunkt von Anhängern der alten Ordnung zu beseitigen. Am 3. März 1924 beschloss die Nationalversammlung die Abschaffung des Kalifenamts. Am Tag darauf mussten alle Angehörigen der Familie Osman die Türkei verlassen. In der Folge wurden die Derwischklöster und die religiösen Gerichtshöfe geschlossen, Religionsschulen für Geistliche und Richter aufgelöst, die allgemeine Schulpflicht wurde eingeführt und alle Schulen wurden einem Erziehungsministerium unterstellt.

Gesellschaftsreformer (1924–1938)

Der Bruch mit den Strukturen und Institutionen des Osmanischen Reiches blieb ein Wagnis, das Widerstand hervorrief. Einige der wichtigen Mitstreiter aus den Anfängen des Befreiungskrieges, darunter Kâzım Karabekir und Ali Fuad, trennten sich von der Volkspartei des Präsidenten und gründeten mit der Erlaubnis Mustafa Kemals im November 1924 die oppositionelle Fortschrittspartei. Diese machte sich u. a. den Respekt vor Gewissensfreiheit und religiösen Gefühlen zum Programm und gewann Unterstützung unter den Anhängern der Scharia. Zur ernsten Herausforderung der jungen Republik und ihres Präsidenten wurde diese Entwicklung, als es im Februar 1925 in Südostanatolien zu einem Aufstand von Kurden kam, deren geistiger Führer Scheich Said die Rückkehr zu Sultanat und Kalifat propagierte. Mit aller Härte und Brutalität wurde der Scheich-Said-Aufstand militärisch niedergeschlagen und dabei das Ziel verfolgt, die kurdische Opposition weitestmöglich auszulöschen. Im Juni erging ein Verbot der Fortschrittspartei; Notstandsgesetze, Pressezensur und Justizapparat wurden gegen Opponenten in Stellung gebracht. Ein 1926 in Izmir aufgedecktes Mordkomplott dreier Verschwörer gegen den Präsidenten wurde von Mustafa Kemal als Gelegenheit genutzt, mit den Häuptern der Opposition als vermeintlichen Drahtziehern des geplanten Anschlags im Rahmen eines Schauprozesses vor dem „Freiheitsgericht“ abzurechnen. Die Republik nahm Züge einer Diktatur an.

Seine gebieterische und rastlos vorwärts drängende Natur war dem Leitbild eines modernen republikanischen Staatswesens nach westlichem Orientierungsmuster verpflichtet. Schon in einer Tagebuchaufzeichnung vom 6. Juni 1918 hatte er das Grundmotiv aller späteren Reformschritte formuliert:

„Sollte ich eines Tages großen Einfluß oder Macht besitzen, halte ich es für das Beste, unsere Gesellschaft schlagartig – sofort und in kürzester Zeit – zu verändern. Denn im Gegensatz zu anderen glaube ich nicht, daß sich diese Veränderung erreichen läßt, indem die Ungebildeten nur schrittweise auf ein höheres Niveau geführt werden. Mein Innerstes sträubt sich gegen eine solche Auffassung. Aus welchem Grund sollte ich mich auf den niedrigeren Stand der allgemeinen Bevölkerung zurückbegeben, nachdem ich viele Jahre lang ausgebildet worden bin, Zivilisations- und Sozialgeschichte studiert und in allen Phasen meines Lebens Befriedigung durch Freiheit erfahren habe? Ich werde dafür sorgen, daß sie auch dahin kommen. Nicht ich darf mich ihnen, sondern sie müssen sich mir annähern.“[10]

Dieses Programm verwirklichte er Zug um Zug, nachdem er gesiegt und in der Funktion des Staatspräsidenten die erstrebte Schlüsselposition innehatte. Es war eine Vielzahl tiefer Veränderungen in Tradition und Gewohnheiten, die er seinen Landsleuten binnen weniger Jahre umzusetzen vorgab.

Auf die Abschaffung des Kalifats ließ er ein äußeres Zeichen prowestlicher Säkularisierung folgen, indem er den Hut als männliche Kopfbedeckung als Teil der „nationalen Tracht“ propagierte (Hutrevolution) anstelle des für das ganze Osmanische Reich bis dahin typischen Mischung aus Fes, Turban und Kalpak. Wer fernerhin in der Öffentlichkeit mit diesen orientalischen Kopfbedeckungen angetroffen wurde, riskierte eine Geld- oder Gefängnisstrafe. In den gleichen Zeitraum fällt das Verbot der religiösen Bruderschaften und Orden. In Ostanatolien erhob sich gegen diese Entwicklungen teilweise erbitterter Widerstand, der mit Verhängung des Ausnahmezustands, scharfen Polizeimaßnahmen und Verhaftungen beantwortet wurde. Von sogenannten Unabhängigkeitsgerichten wurden in diesem Zusammenhang 138 Todesurteile ausgesprochen.[11] 1934 erfolgte eine zweite Kleiderreform, welche den Geistlichen das Tragen ihres Gewands nur in ihren Arbeitsbereichen (Moschee, Beerdigung) gestattete.

Eine Umwälzung gesellschaftlicher Strukturen bedeuteten die von Mustafa Kemal eingeleiteten Schritte zur Frauenemanzipation, die in einer Neuordnung des ehelichen Scheidungsrechts, in der rechtlichen Gleichstellung von Mann und Frau, in der Förderung einer höheren Schulbildung und im Universitätszugang auch für Mädchen und Frauen zum Ausdruck kam.

Wie bei seinem Reformwerk nahezu durchgängig, ist Mustafa Kemal auch hier mit eigenem Beispiel vorangegangen. Als der langjährige Junggeselle schließlich heiratete, war es Latife Uşşaki, eine selbstbewusste, von westlichen Einflüssen geprägte Frau, deren emanzipiertes Auftreten ihm imponierte. Die Trauung am 29. Januar 1923 fand ohne religiöse Zeremonie statt und wurde vom Bürgermeister von Izmir vollzogen, wobei Mustafa Kemal die Gelegenheit nutzte, zu verkünden, dass alle Eheschließungen in der Türkei künftig ebenfalls von Vertretern des Staates durchzuführen seien. In der Ehe wie in der Öffentlichkeit konnte Lâtife eigene Standpunkte vertreten und so zu einer Modernisierung des Frauenbilds in der Türkei beitragen. Dabei zeigte sich allerdings auch, dass Mustafa Kemal mit seinen Staatsgeschäften und nächtlichen Diskussionsrunden zu sehr befasst war, um der jungen Frau ein ihren Wünschen entsprechendes Eheleben zu bieten. Als ihre Kritik nach zweieinhalbjähriger Ehe das für ihn tolerierbare Maß überstieg, betrieb er die Trennung und spätere Scheidung. In der Folge gelang es ihm mittels gezielter Förderung von ihm adoptierter Mädchen und junger Frauen im eigenen Einflussbereich, das Ziel der Frauenemanzipation erfolgreich zur Geltung zu bringen. Von grundlegender gesamtgesellschaftlicher Bedeutung war die Einführung des aktiven und passiven Frauenwahlrechts. Seit 1930 konnten Frauen an Kommunalwahlen teilnehmen, seit 1934 auch an den Parlamentswahlen.

Es ist charakteristisch für seine Arbeits- und Vorgehensweise, dass Mustafa Kemal die Reformvorstellungen, die er in groben Zügen bereits früh entwickelt hatte, einem Kreis ausgewählter Berater und Sachkundiger bei spätabendlichen Tischgesellschaften vorstellte, für die er jeweils eine spezielle Liste der Einzuladenden ausgab. Offene Kritik ertrug er schlecht und duldete sie kaum; aber ohne den Rat und die Ideen von Sachkennern gehört zu haben, machte er sich auch nicht an die politische Umsetzung seiner Projekte.

Ende 1925 wurde die islamische Jahreszählung nach der Hedschra durch die christliche Zeitrechnung abgelöst (zu Einzelheiten der Reform des Kalenders und der Jahreszählung siehe: Rumi-Kalender). Zehn Jahre später trat dann der Sonntag als arbeitsfreier Tag an die Stelle des den Muslimen heiligen Freitags. Außerdem wurde das metrische System eingeführt. Die am Koran orientierte Rechtsprechung wurde durch das Schweizer Zivilrecht, welches mit nur unbedeutenden Anpassungen übernommen wurde, abgelöst. Die Rechtsübernahme schloss auch das moderne Erbrecht und Familienrecht des Zivilgesetzbuches ein. Daneben wurden das deutsche Handelsrecht und das italienische Strafrecht übernommen.

Als Amtssprache wurde die osmanische Hochsprache der bisherigen Eliten, die stark von der höfischen Sprache Persisch und von der heiligen Sprache Arabisch beeinflusst war, in einem von Sprachwissenschaftlern begleiteten Prozess durch die türkische Volkssprache abgelöst. Bis 1928 wurde die osmanische Sprache nach islamischer Tradition in der arabischen Schrift notiert. Mustafa Kemal ließ diese durch das lateinische Alphabet ersetzen, das der vokalreichen türkischen Sprache besser entsprach. Außerdem ließ es sich mit deutlich weniger Zeitaufwand erlernen[12] und verstärkte die durch Mustafa Kemal angestrebte Westorientierung. Auch auf diesem Feld legte er persönlich Hand an, indem er, mit Tafel und Kreide umherreisend, Unterricht erteilte. Den Koran ließ er ins Türkische übertragen und las im Dolmabahçe-Palast als Erster aus der Übersetzung vor. Das Ziel jedoch, dass in den Moscheen statt auf Arabisch nur noch auf Türkisch gebetet werden sollte, erwies sich als unerreichbar und wurde nach seinem Tod nicht weiter verfolgt.

Mustafa Kemal hatte ein distanziertes Verhältnis zum Islam. Während der Dardanellen-Schlacht schrieb er in einer französischsprachigen Korrespondenz mit Madame Corinne, es sei merkwürdig, dass Mohammed, der den Männern viele Huris verspreche, sich überhaupt nicht für die Frauen einsetze. Folglich, während die Männer sich nach dem Tod des Besitzes der Paradiesfrauen erfreuten, fänden sich die Frauen in einem unerträglichen Zustand.[13] Während der Befreiungskriege machte er zur Mobilisierung auch von religiöser Rhetorik Gebrauch. Als junger Staatspräsident ermutigte er 1923 in einer Predigt in der Zaganos-Pascha-Moschee die Bevölkerung, mit der „letzten und vollkommensten Religion“, dem Islam, keinerlei Konflikte mit den wissenschaftlichen Errungenschaften des modernen Zeitalters zu sehen, und rief dazu auf, die islamische Predigt in der Moschee für jedermann verständlich auf Türkisch und mit wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnissen im Einklang abzuhalten. Bestehende theologische Einsprüche (z. B. bezüglich der Stellung der Frau und des Kunstverständnisses) sollten durch Theologen neu interpretiert werden. Später als konsolidierter Staatsmann verzichtete er auf religiöse Bezüge oder äußerte sich kritischer.

Im Herbst 1929 äußerte sich Mustafa Kemal im Interview mit Emil Ludwig zum Thema Religion wie folgt:

„Sie wundern sich, dass die Moscheen sich so schnell leeren, obwohl sie niemand schließt? Der Türke war von Hause aus kein Muslim, die Hirten kennen nur die Sonne, Wolken und Sterne; das verstehen die Bauern auf der ganzen Erde gleich, denn die Ernte hängt vom Wetter ab. Der Türke verehrt nichts als die Natur. […] Ich lasse jetzt auch den Koran zum ersten Mal auf Türkisch erscheinen, ferner ein Leben Muhammads übersetzen. Das Volk soll wissen, dass überall ziemlich das Gleiche steht und dass es den Pfaffen nur darauf ankommt zu essen.“[14]

„Vater der Türken“

Am Ende des durchgreifenden Reformprozesses stand eine Änderung des Namensrechts, die zu einer effektiveren Verwaltung des Personenstandwesens führen sollte und wiederum an westliche Muster anknüpfte: Jeder Bürger der Türkei wurde zur Annahme eines Familiennamens verpflichtet. Mustafa Kemal erhielt von der Nationalversammlung mit dem Gesetz Nr. 2587 vom 24. November 1934 den Namenszusatz bzw. Nachnamen Atatürk (Vater der Türken), welcher unter gesetzlichen Schutz gestellt wurde. Für einige Vertraute und Weggefährten suchte er selbst die künftigen ehrenden Nachnamen aus. So auch für Ismet Pascha, der wegen seiner Verdienste im Befreiungskrieg gegen die Griechen nach dem Ort seiner beiden großen Schlachtenerfolge den Nachnamen İnönü erhielt. İsmet İnönü hat als Ministerpräsident über viele Jahre Mustafa Kemal Atatürk von der alltäglichen Regierungsroutine entlastet und wurde nach dessen Tod sein Nachfolger als Staatspräsident. Mustafa Kemals Namenswahl und die Ehrenbezeugungen, die er auf sich vereinte (1926 wurde in Istanbul ein erstes Denkmal errichtet, dem ungezählte weitere im ganzen Lande folgten, s. u.), entsprachen den zeittypischen Formen des Personenkults in autoritären Regimen. Dieser hat in der Folge eine bis heute fortwirkende integrierende Wirkung für das türkische Staatswesen entfaltet. Atatürk gelang es, als Freiheitskämpfer, Staatspräsident und „oberster Lehrer der Nation“ mit seiner Person das Vakuum zu füllen, das mit der Abschaffung von Sultanat und Kalifat sowie mit der Abkehr von herkömmlichem Brauchtum zum Zwecke der Modernisierung einherging. So hat er es zweifellos auch als seine Aufgabe angesehen, seinem nach der Kriegsniederlage in gänzlich neuem staatlichen Rahmen zu organisierenden Volk ein Selbstbewusstsein und eine Identität zu vermitteln, ohne die es womöglich keinen stabilen neuen Staatsverband hätte bilden können. Er ist dabei sehr weit gegangen. Nicht nur, indem er, in glorifizierender Absicht, die Wurzeln des Türkentums in Mittelasien bis auf Attila und Dschingis Khan zurückführte, sondern vor allem, indem er die Lehrmeinung verbreiten ließ, die Türken seien das älteste Volk der Welt, von dem alle anderen Völker direkt oder indirekt abstammten.[15]

Demokratie, Einhaltung der Menschenrechte und das Primat des Rechts waren nicht immer vollständig gewährleistet.[16] Ethnische Minderheiten wie Kurden und Armenier[17] wurden in ihrem sprachlichen und kulturellen Eigenleben unterdrückt und im Widerstandsfall mit militärischen Mitteln bekämpft.[18] Während des Ersten Weltkrieges vor dem Völkermord geflohenen Armeniern wurde allerdings das Recht auf Rückkehr eingeräumt, was während der Präsidentschaft Atatürks auch genutzt wurde. Die Rechte der in der Türkei verbliebenen religiösen Minderheiten (der orthodoxen Christen und der Juden) auf kirchliche Selbstverwaltung wurden unter Atatürk ausdrücklich garantiert.[19] Hingegen wurden Rassisten, aber auch Kommunisten in der Türkei politisch verfolgt.[20] 1930 wurde als ein erneuter Vorstoß Atatürks zur Etablierung einer gemäßigten Oppositionspartei die Gründung der Freien Republikanischen Partei genehmigt, welche nach Streitigkeiten wieder aufgelöst wurde.

Außenpolitisches Wirken

Atatürks Nationalismus war nach innen gerichtet, bezog sich auf die Türkei und ihre Bevölkerung und beinhaltete nach außen keine aggressive Komponente. Er lehnte eine pantürkisch motivierte imperialistische Expansion im Gegensatz zu seinem früheren Rivalen Enver Pascha ab:

„Heute sind alle Nationen der Erde fast Verwandte geworden oder bemühen sich, es noch zu werden. Infolgedessen muss der Mensch nicht nur an die Existenz und das Glück derjenigen Nation denken, der er angehört, sondern auch an das Vorhandensein und Wohlbefinden aller Nationen der Welt … Wir wissen nicht, ob uns nicht ein Ereignis, das wir weit entfernt glauben, eines Tages erreicht. Aus diesem Grund muss man die gesamte Menschheit als einen Körper und eine Nation als sein Glied betrachten.“[21]

1932 trat die Türkei dem Völkerbund bei. 1936 wurde ihr durch das Abkommen von Montreux die im Vertrag von Lausanne noch vorenthaltene Souveränität über die Meerengen Bosporus und Dardanellen sowie die diesbezügliche Kontrolle der Schifffahrt zugestanden. Zu Griechenland konnte schon von 1930 an ein gutnachbarliches Verhältnis hergestellt werden, und beim Balkanpakt 1934 in Athen war es vor allem Atatürks multilateralen Ausgleichsbemühungen zuzuschreiben, dass ein die Türkei, Griechenland, Jugoslawien und Rumänien zusammenführendes Vertragswerk geschlossen werden konnte. Im selben Jahr schlug der griechische Premierminister Venizelos – wenn auch erfolglos – Mustafa Kemal Atatürk für den Friedensnobelpreis vor.

Zu den faschistischen Diktatoren Mussolini und Hitler hielt Atatürk unmissverständlich Abstand und hieß eine Vielzahl zu Beginn der NS-Herrschaft ins türkische Exil flüchtender Wissenschaftler, Künstler und Architekten in der Türkei willkommen, die eine Mitwirkung der Exilanten bei der Modernisierung des Landes und beim Aufbau des türkischen Hochschulwesens gut gebrauchen konnte. Für manche von ihnen wurden die Universitäten von Ankara und Istanbul[22] zu neuen Wirkungsstätten. Unter denen, die in der Türkei eine Zuflucht fanden, waren der spätere Regierende Bürgermeister von Berlin Ernst Reuter sowie die Architekten Clemens Holzmeister, der den Regierungsbezirk in Ankara entwarf, und Bruno Taut, der 1938 den Katafalk zur Trauerfeier für den verstorbenen Atatürk entwerfen sollte.

Ambivalent war das Verhältnis Atatürks zur benachbarten Großmacht Sowjetunion. Beide Staaten unterstützten sich gegenseitig in dem Bemühen, die internationale Isolierung durch die Siegermächte zu überwinden. Auch die von sowjetischer Seite dem jungen türkischen Staat in begrenztem Umfang gewährten Aufbauhilfen hat Mustafa Kemal gern entgegengenommen. Von der kommunistischen Ideologie und dem sowjetischen Gesellschaftsmodell jedoch distanzierte er sich deutlich.

Bereits beim Festakt zum zehnjährigen Jubiläum der Republik Türkei im Oktober 1933 sah Mustafa Kemal einen möglichen neuen Krieg in Europa voraus und legte sein Land für diesen Fall auf einen Kurs der Neutralität fest.[23] Dem amerikanischen General Douglas MacArthur, der zur Manöverbeobachtung Anfang der 1930er Jahre die Türkei aufsuchte, gab er folgende Prophezeiung, die allerdings erst 1951 veröffentlicht wurde, mit auf den Weg:

„Meiner Meinung nach wird das Schicksal Europas wie gestern auch morgen von der Haltung Deutschlands abhängig sein. Diese außergewöhnlich dynamische und disziplinierte Nation von 70 Millionen wird, sobald sie sich einer politischen Strömung hingibt, die ihre nationalen Begierden aufpeitscht, früher oder später den Vertrag von Versailles zu beseitigen suchen. Deutschland wird in kürzester Zeit eine Armee aufstellen können, die imstande sein wird, ganz Europa, mit Ausnahme von England und Russland, zu besetzen … der Krieg wird in den Jahren 1940/45 ausbrechen … Frankreich hat keine Möglichkeit mehr, eine starke Armee aufzustellen. England kann sich bei der Verteidigung seiner Insel nicht mehr auf Frankreich verlassen. Amerika wird in diesem Krieg genau wie im Ersten Weltkrieg nicht neutral bleiben können. Und Deutschland wird wegen des amerikanischen Kriegseintritts diesen Krieg verlieren…“[24]

Tod und Nachfolge

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk starb am 10. November 1938 in Istanbul an den Folgen einer Leberzirrhose. Entsprechend der Verfassung des türkischen Staates wurde nach seinem Tod der Präsident der Großen Nationalversammlung Mustafa Abdülhalik Renda übergangsweise Staatspräsident, bis am darauffolgenden Tag İsmet İnönü vom Parlament zum neuen Staatspräsidenten gewählt wurde.

Er hinterließ ein Land, das einerseits von seinem autoritären Führungsstil und von seiner mitunter demonstrativen Härte bei der Ausschaltung politischer Gegner geprägt war, das sich andererseits aber westlicher Lebensart und aufklärerischem politischen Denken weit geöffnet hatte.

Würdigung, Kritik und Nachwirken

Nicht nur in der Türkei, wo noch heute jede herabsetzende Äußerung über den Staatsgründer unter Strafe steht, wurde und wird Mustafa Kemal Atatürk für seine Lebensleistung Respekt gezollt und ein ehrendes Andenken bewahrt.

Die Spanne seiner Bewunderer reicht u. a. vom britischen Premierminister Winston Churchill, dem Gegner im Ersten Weltkrieg, über den „NS-Führer“ und Diktator Adolf Hitler, der auch ein Bündnis mit der Türkei anstrebte,[25] bis zu den amerikanischen Präsidenten Franklin D. Roosevelt und John F. Kennedy, der Kemal Atatürk 1963 anlässlich dessen 25. Todestags in einer Ansprache würdigte.[26] 1981 wurde von den Vereinten Nationen und der UNESCO weltweit zum 100. Geburtstag das Atatürk-Jahr ausgerufen.

Zu einem Vorbild, das zur Nachahmung anspornte, wurde Atatürk vor allem in Staaten der so genannten Dritten Welt verehrt, die in ihm den Vorkämpfer der Unabhängigkeit von den Kolonialmächten sahen, wie z. B. Mustafa Kemals iranischer Zeitgenosse Reza Schah Pahlavi, Indiens nachmaliger Ministerpräsident Jawaharlal Nehru oder der ägyptische Staatspräsident Anwar as-Sadat.[27][28] So schrieben der pakistanische Muhammad Iqbal und bengalische Nationaldichter Kazi Nazrul Islam Gedichte zu seinen Ehren.

Als führender Kopf der Nationalbewegung 1919–1923 wurde er von den Alliierten und dem landesweit bekannten Istanbuler Journalisten Ali Kemal als „Räuberhäuptling“ bezeichnet, Lord Balfour nannte ihn in diesem Zusammenhang den „schrecklichsten aller schrecklichen Türken“ (most terrible of all the terrible Turks).[29] Nach dem Unabhängigkeitskrieg trennten sich im entbrannten Machtkampf um die Zukunft des Landes die Wege ehemaliger Mitstreiter, die wie der General Kâzım Karabekir und die Intellektuelle Halide Edib Adıvar zu aus der Macht gedrängten Oppositionellen seines radikalen Reformprogrammes und autoritären Führungsanspruchs wurden. Teile der Geistlichkeit, besonders die der entmachteten Tekkes, unter anderem Said Nursî, verglichen ihn mit dem Deccal.[30] Es gab zahlreiche Attentatsversuche.

Das Heer, aus dessen Reihen Mustafa Kemal aufgestiegen war und das er seit den Befreiungskriegen auf sich verpflichtet hatte, blieb, insbesondere gegenüber islamistischen Tendenzen, nicht nur in den Wechselfällen der politischen Entwicklung nach dem Tode Atatürks, sondern während des gesamten 20. Jahrhunderts die autoritäre Garantiemacht des Kemalismus. Diese noch immer bestehende Sonderstellung der Armee in der Republik Türkei gehört zu dem von Atatürk hinterlassenen politischen Erbe, auch wenn unterdessen längst ein pluralistisches Parteiensystem existiert und Regierungswechsel nach Wahlen häufig stattgefunden haben.

Im Dolmabahçe-Palast in Istanbul, wo Mustafa Kemal am 10. November 1938 um 9:05 Uhr starb, wurden alle Uhren angehalten und auf seine Todeszeit eingestellt. Dies wurde jahrzehntelang beibehalten, die Uhr in seinem Sterbezimmer zeigt diese Zeit noch heute. Sein Leichnam wurde nach Ankara gebracht, zunächst im dortigen Ethnographischen Museum aufgebahrt und 1953 in dem eigens dafür geschaffenen Mausoleum Anıtkabir zur letzten Ruhe gebettet. Noch heute erweisen ihm junge Brautpaare dort ihre Reverenz. Zum Todestag Mustafa Kemals wird in der Türkei um 9:05 Uhr eine Trauerminute eingelegt, zu der landesweit Sirenen erklingen. Sein Bild findet sich auf sämtlichen Münzen und Geldscheinen der türkischen Währung. In vielen türkischen Städten stehen mehrere Atatürk-Statuen auf öffentlichen Plätzen und Parks. Daneben befinden sich in fast allen öffentlichen Gebäuden Büsten von Atatürk, und viele Straßen und Einrichtungen, wie beispielsweise der Atatürk-Staudamm, der Atatürk-Flughafen und das Atatürk-Olympiastadion tragen seinen Namen.

Wichtige Gedenkstätten und Denkmäler:

Das Geburtshaus Atatürks in Thessaloniki ist heute ein Museum. In der Türkei wurden zwei originalgetreue Nachbauten des Hauses als Denkmäler errichtet: in Istanbul (Ortsteil Avcılar/Ambarlı) sowie in Ankara im Atatürk Orman Çiftliği. Andere Wohnorte Atatürks wie sein Apartment in Istanbul, Yalova-Haus, die Villa Kostaki oder die Florya-Seevilla sind ebenfalls Museen. Im Dolmabahçe-Palast in Istanbul sind Atatürks Arbeits- und Sterbezimmer Teil des Museums.
Das erste Denkmal Atatürks vom österreichischen Bildhauer Heinrich Krippel in Sarayburnu in Istanbul wurde am 6. November 1926 eingeweiht. Ein weiteres Porträt Krippels wurde am 29. November 1926 in Konya enthüllt. Es folgte das Siegesdenkmal (1927) auf dem Ulus-Platz in Ankara in berittener Pose neben dem damaligen Parlament.
Der Taksim-Platz wurde als neues Zentrum der modernen Stadt Istanbul um das Republik-Denkmal des italienischen Bildhauers Pietro Canonica aus dem Jahre 1928 konzipiert. Canonica erschuf ebenfalls ein Jahr zuvor die Statue Atatürks in Uniform auf dem Sieges-Platz in Ankara.
Im Güvenpark in Ankara steht das Denkmal des Vertrauens. Es wurde 1935 nach den Entwürfen der österreichischen Bildhauer Clemens Holzmeister, Anton Hanak und Josef Thorak errichtet und trägt als Inschrift ein Zitat von Atatürk: „Türke, rühme dich, arbeite und vertraue.“ (Türk, öğün, çalış, güven.). Es ist dem Geheimdienst und der Militärpolizei gewidmet.
Im Ausland gibt es zahlreiche Gedenkstätten, so das Denkmal auf der ANZAC Parade in der australischen Hauptstadt Canberra (1985) und die Atatürk-Gedenkstätte in Wellington, Neuseeland, nach ihm benannte Straßen in Indien (Neu-Delhi), Bangladesch (Dhaka) und Pakistan (Islamabad, Larkana), Dominikanische Republik (Santo Domingo).

1922 wurden einige Städte nach Atatürk benannt:

Kemaliye (ehemals Eğin) in Erzincan,
Mustafapaşa (ehemals Sinasos) in Nevşehir,
Kemalpaşa (ehemals Nif) in İzmir und
Mustafakemalpaşa (ehemals Kirmasti) in Bursa.

Sonstiges

Mustafa Kemal wird in einigen Lexika als Freimaurer geführt (Loge: Macedonia Risorta et Veritas No. 80, Thessaloniki).[31][32] Nach Ansicht des Historikers und Atatürk-Biographen Andrew Mango ist seine Mitgliedschaft zwar nicht völlig erwiesen, aber zumindest doch sehr wahrscheinlich.[33]
Filme

Im 1932 gedrehten Film Bir Millet Uyanıyor (Eine Nation erwacht) von Muhsin Ertuğrul, einem der bedeutenden Filme des türkischen Kinos über den Türkischen Befreiungskrieg, spielte er eine Nebenrolle. Im Film wirkte auch General Kâzım Özalp mit.[34]

Im 2012 produzierten Spielfilm Çanakkale 1915 wird Mustafa Kemal von Ilker Kizmaz interpretiert.

Schriften

Nutuk („Rede“ – programmatische Marathonrede Atatürks auf dem zweiten Parteitag der CHP). Auf Deutsch erschienen in zwei Bänden:
Mustafa Gasi Kemal Pascha: Der Weg zur Freiheit, 1919–1920. Aus dem Französischen übersetzt von Paul Roth. Mit einer Einführung und Anmerkungen von Kurt Koehler, K. F. Koehler Verlag, Leipzig 1928.
Mustafa Gasi Kemal Pascha: Die nationale Revolution, 1920–1927. Aus dem Französischen übersetzt von Paul Roth. Mit Anmerkungen von Kurt Koehler, K. F. Koehler Verlag, Leipzig 1928.
Takımın Muharebe Tâlimi (Übersetzung aus dem Deutschen – 1908)
Cumalı Ordugâhı – Süvari: Bölük, Alay, Liva Tâlim ve Manevraları (1909)
Ta’biye ve Tatbîkat Seyahati (1911)
Bölüğün Muharebe Tâlimi (Übersetzung aus dem Deutschen – 1912)
Ta’biye Mes’elesinin Halli ve Emirlerin Sûret-i Tahrîrine Dâir Nasâyih (1916)
Zâbit ve Kumandan ile Hasb-ı Hâl (1918)
Vatandaş için Medeni Bilgiler (zusammen mit seiner Adoptivtochter Afet İnan – 1930)
Geometri (Mathematikbuch – 1937)
Türk Gençliğine Hitabe (1927)
Onuncu Yıl Nutku (1933)
Bursa Nutku (1933)
Balıkesir Hutbesi (1923)

Literatur

Dursun Atilgan: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Leben, Leitvorstellungen, Leistung. Önel Verlag, Köln 1998, ISBN 3-929490-66-8.
Kurt Bittel (Hrsg.): Mustafa Kemal Atatürk 1881–1981. Vorträge und Aufsätze zu seinem 100. Geburtstag. Groos, Heidelberg 1982, ISBN 3-87276-272-9.
Mahmut Esat Bozkurt: Atatürk ihtilâli. Istanbul 1995, ISBN 975-343-095-7.
Johannes Glasneck: Die Rolle der Persönlichkeit Kemal Atatürks im nationalen Befreiungskampf der Völker des Nahen Ostens. Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 1983. (Neuauflage: Kemal Atatürk und die moderne Türkei. Ahriman-Verlag, Freiburg 2010, ISBN 978-3-89484-608-4).
Dietrich Gronau: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk oder die Geburt der Republik. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1994, ISBN 3-596-11062-9.
Halil Gülbeyaz: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Vom Staatsgründer zum Mythos. Parthas-Verlag, Berlin, 2004, ISBN 3-932529-49-9.
M. Şükrü Hanioğlu: Atatürk. An intellectual biography. Princeton University Press, Princeton 2011, ISBN 978-0-691-15109-0.
Friedrich Karl Kienitz: Atatürk, Kemal, in: Biographisches Lexikon zur Geschichte Südosteuropas. Bd. 1. München 1974, S. 108–110
Patrick Kinross: Atatürk. The Rebirth of a Nation. Weidenfeld Nicolson Illustrated 1993, ISBN 0-297-81376-5.
Klaus Kreiser: Atatürk. Eine Biographie. C.H. Beck Verlag, München 2014, ISBN 978-3-406-66594-3.[35]
Andrew Mango: Atatürk. John Murray, London 1999, ISBN 0-7195-6592-8 (englisch).
Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, ISBN 3-499-50346-8.
Dirk Tröndle: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Mythos und Mensch. Muster-Schmidt Verlag Gleichen, Zürich 2012, ISBN 978-3-7881-0169-5.[36]
Vamık D. Volkan, Norman Itzkowitz: Immortal Ataturk. A Psychobiography. London 2001, Phoenix Press, ISBN 0-226-86388-3.
S. Eriş Ülger: Atatürk und die Türkei in der deutschen Presse (1910–1944). Hückelhoven 1992, ISBN 3-923143-80-X.
Stefan Ihrig: Atatürk in the Nazi Imagination, Harvard University Press, 2014. ISBN 978-0-674-36837-8.

Weblinks
Commons: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk – Album mit Bildern, Videos und Audiodateien
Wikiquote: Kemal Atatürk – Zitate

Literatur von und über Mustafa Kemal Atatürk im Katalog der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek
Zeitungsartikel über Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in der Pressemappe 20. Jahrhundert der Deutschen Zentralbibliothek für Wirtschaftswissenschaften (ZBW).
Levke Harders: Kemal Atatürk. Tabellarischer Lebenslauf im LeMO (DHM und HdG)
Türkisches Kulturministerium über Mustafa Kemal Atatürk aufgerufen am 30. Oktober 2008.
Türkische Botschaft Wien mit Informationen zum Geburtshaus und zur Ausstellung dort aufgerufen am 30. Oktober 2008
Atatürk Archiv auf ataturktoday.com (englisch und türkisch) aufgerufen am 30. Oktober 2008
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk – Eine Biografie (Video) aufgerufen am 30. Oktober 2008
Michael Winter: Ich bin die Türkei. Seit 75 Jahren schwankt die demokratische Republik am Bosporus zwischen Militärdiktatur und Re-Islamisierung. In: Die Zeit. Nr. 43, 17. Oktober 1997.[37]

Einzelnachweise
Mango: Atatürk (1999), S. 27.
Mango: Atatürk (1999), S. 27 bzw. 28.
Andrew Mango: Atatürk. 1. Auflage. Overlook Press, Woodstock, N.Y. 2000, ISBN 1-58567-011-1, S 27/29. Mango weist darin nach, dass die tradierte Geschichte vom harten Leben des Zollbeamten und der Wechsel in den Beruf des Holzhändlers von den Daten her nicht stimmig ist.
Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, S. 19.
Dietrich Gronau: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk oder die Geburt der Republik. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1994, S. 54.
Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. 9. Auflage. Rowohlt, 2008, ISBN 978-3-499-50346-7, S. 25 f.
Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. 9. Auflage. Rowohlt, 2008, ISBN 978-3-499-50346-7, S. 45.
Nurullah Ardic: Islam and the Politics of Secularism: The Caliphate and Middle Eastern Modernization in the Early 20th Century. Routledge, 2013, S. 249 f.
Bernard Lewis: The Political Language of Islam. Chicago 1988, S. 44–50.
Dietrich Gronau: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk oder die Geburt der Republik. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1994, S. 125 f.
Halil Gülbeyaz: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Vom Staatsgründer zum Mythos. Parthas-Verlag, Berlin, 2004, S. 187.
Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, S. 100.
Klaus Kreiser: Atatürk. Eine Biographie. München 2008, S. 90.
Klaus Kreiser: Atatürk. Eine Biographie. München 2008, S. 235 f.
Halil Gülbeyaz: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Vom Staatsgründer zum Mythos. Parthas-Verlag, Berlin, 2004, S. 199.
Michael Neumann-Adrian/Christoph K. Neumann: Die Türkei, ein Land und 9000 Jahre Geschichte. München, 1990, S. 312.
Boris Barth: Genozid. Völkermord im 20. Jahrhundert. Geschichte, Theorien, Kontroversen, Verlag C. H. Beck, München 2006, S. 71.
Anahide Ter Minassian: La république d’Arménie. 1918–1920 La mémoire du siècle., éditions complexe, Bruxelles 1989, S. 220.
Michael Neumann-Adrian/Christoph K. Neumann: Die Türkei, ein Land und 9000 Jahre Geschichte. München, 1990, S. 301.
Michael Neumann-Adrian/Christoph K. Neumann: Die Türkei, ein Land und 9000 Jahre Geschichte. München, 1990, S. 309.
Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, S. 118.
A. Vicdani Doyum: Alfred Kantorowicz unter besonderer Berücksichtigung seines Wirkens in İstanbul (Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der modernen Zahnheilkunde). Medizinische Dissertation, Würzburg 1985, S. 41–93
Halil Gülbeyaz: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Vom Staatsgründer zum Mythos. Parthas-Verlag, Berlin, 2004, S. 211.
Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, S. 124.
Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, S. 147.
Remarks on the 25th Anniversary of the Death of Kemal Atatürk, 4. November 1963. Audiofile auf: jfklibrary.org.
Bernd Rill: Kemal Atatürk. Rowohlt, Reinbek 1985, S. 146.
Halil Gülbeyaz: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Vom Staatsgründer zum Mythos. Parthas-Verlag, Berlin, 2004, S. 228.
THE TWO KEMALS; The Polished Aristocrat of European Circles in Contrast With the Ruthless Commander of Fanatical Turks, New York Times 1. Oktober 1922.
Umut Azak: Islam and Secularism in Turkey: Kemalism, Religion and the Nation State. I.B.Tauris, 2010, S. 134.
Robert A. Minder: Freimaurer Politiker Lexikon. Edition zum rauhen Stein, ISBN 3-7065-1909-7, S. 229–231.
Atatürk, Kemal. In: Eugen Lennhoff, Oskar Posner: Internationales Freimaurerlexikon. 2006, ISBN 3-7766-2161-3, S. 92.
Andrew Mango: Atatürk. John Murray, 1999, ISBN 0-7195-5612-0, S. 93.
Oliver Leaman Companion Encyclopedia of Middle Eastern and North African Film, 2001, S. 558 f., Abschnitt Muhsin Ertuğrul [1].
Vgl. Rezension der 1. Auflage, in: Die Zeit, Nr. 43/2008.
Vgl. Lutz Berger: Rezension zu: Tröndle, Dirk: Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Mythos und Mensch. Sudheim 2011. In: H-Soz-u-Kult. 8. Juni 2012.
mit dem geänd. Untertitel: Aufklärer, Henker und Übervater: M. K. Atatürk katapultierte ein Volk von Bauern und Analphabeten vom Mittelalter in die westliche Moderne. In: Die Zeit. Welt- und Kulturgeschichte. Band 13, ISBN 3-411-17603-2, S. 585–601 (mit Abb.)

MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATURK Biography (English)

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (Turkish: [mustaˈfa ceˈmal aˈtaˌtyɾc]; 19 May 1881 (conventional) – 10 November 1938) was a Turkish army officer, revolutionary, and founder of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first President from 1923 until his death in 1938. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and theories became known as Kemalism.

Atatürk came to prominence for his role in securing the Ottoman Turkish victory at the Battle of Gallipoli during World War I.[1] Following the Empire's defeat and subsequent dissolution, he led the Turkish National Movement, which resisted the mainland Turkey's partition among the victorious Allied powers. Establishing a provisional government in the present-day Turkish capital Ankara, he defeated the forces sent by the Allies, thus emerging victorious from what was later referred to as the Turkish War of Independence. He subsequently proceeded to abolish the decrepit Ottoman Empire and proclaimed the foundation of the Turkish Republic in its place.

As the president of the newly formed Turkish Republic, Atatürk initiated a rigorous program of political, economic, and cultural reforms with the ultimate aim of building a modern, progressive, and secular nation-state. He made primary education free and compulsory, opening thousands of new schools all over the country. He also introduced the Latin-based Turkish alphabet, replacing the old Ottoman Turkish alphabet. Turkish women received equal civil and political rights during Atatürk's presidency ahead of many Western countries.[2] In particular, women were given voting rights in local elections by Act no. 1580 on 3 April 1930 and a few years later, in 1934, full universal suffrage, earlier than most other countries in the world.[3]

His government carried out a policy of Turkicisation trying to create a homogeneous and unified nation.[4][5][6] Under Atatürk, non-Turkish minorities were pressured to speak Turkish in public,[7] non-Turkish toponyms and last names of minorities had to be changed to Turkish renditions.[8][9] The Turkish Parliament granted him the surname Atatürk in 1934, which means "Father of the Turks", in recognition of the role he played in building the modern Turkish Republic.[10] He died on 10 November 1938 at the age of 57 in Dolmabahçe Palace;[11] he was succeeded as President by İsmet İnönü[12] and was honored with a state funeral. In 1953, his iconic mausoleum was built and opened, which is surrounded by a park called the Peace Park in honor of his famous expression "Peace at Home, Peace in the World".

In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the UN and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial, describing him as "the leader of the first struggle given against colonialism and imperialism" and a "remarkable promoter of the sense of understanding between peoples and durable peace between the nations of the world and that he worked all his life for the development of harmony and cooperation between peoples without distinction".[13][14] Atatürk is commemorated by many memorials throughout Turkey and numerous countries all over the world, where place names are named in honor of him. Eleftherios Venizelos, former Prime Minister of Greece, forwarded Atatürk's name for the 1934 Nobel Peace Prize.[15]

Early life

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was born (under the name Ali Rıza oğlu Mustafa) in the early months of 1881, either in the Ahmet Subaşı neighbourhood or at a house (preserved as a museum) in Islahhane Street (now Apostolou Pavlou Street) in the Koca Kasım Pasha neighbourhood in Salonica (Selanik),[16] Ottoman Empire (Thessaloniki in present-day Greece), to Ali Rıza Efendi, a militia officer, title-deed clerk and lumber trader, and Zübeyde Hanım. Only one of Mustafa's siblings, a sister named Makbule (Atadan) survived childhood; she died in 1956.[17] According to Andrew Mango, his family was Muslim, Turkish-speaking and precariously middle-class.[18] His father Ali Rıza is thought to have been of Albanian origin by some authors;[19][20][21] however, according to Falih Rıfkı Atay, Vamık D. Volkan, Norman Itzkowitz, Müjgân Cunbur, Numan Kartal and Hasan İzzettin Dinamo, Ali Rıza's ancestors were Turks, ultimately descending from Söke in the Aydın Province of Anatolia.[22][23][24][25][26][27] His mother Zübeyde is thought to have been of Turkish origin[20][21] and according to Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, she was of Yörük ancestry.[28]

He was born Mustafa, and his second name Kemal (meaning Perfection or Maturity) was given to him by his mathematics teacher, Captain Üsküplü Mustafa Efendi, "in admiration of his capability and maturity" according to Afet Inan,[29][30] and, according to Ali Fuat Cebesoy, because his teacher wanted to distinguish his student who had the same name as him,[31] although his biographer Andrew Mango suggests that he may have chosen the name himself as a tribute to the nationalist poet Namık Kemal.[32] In his early years, his mother encouraged Mustafa Kemal to attend a religious school, something he did reluctantly and only briefly. Later, he attended the Şemsi Efendi School (a private school with a more secular curriculum) at the direction of his father. His parents wanted him to learn a trade, but without consulting them, Mustafa Kemal took the entrance exam for the Salonica Military School (Selanik Askeri Rüştiyesi) in 1893. In 1896, he enrolled into the Monastir Military High School. On 14 March 1899,[33] he enrolled at the Ottoman Military Academy in the neighbourhood of Pangaltı[34] within the Şişli district of the Ottoman capital city Constantinople (now Istanbul) and graduated in 1902. He later graduated from the Ottoman Military College in Constantinople on 11 January 1905.[33]

Military career

Early years

Shortly after graduation, he was arrested by the police for his anti monarchist activities. Following a confinement of several months he was released only with the support of Rıza Pasha, his former school director.[35] After his release, Mustafa Kemal was assigned to the Fifth Army based in Damascus as a Staff Captain[33] in the company of Ali Fuat (Cebesoy) and Lütfi Müfit (Özdeş).[36] He joined a small secret revolutionary society of reformist officers led by a merchant Mustafa Elvan (Cantekin) called Vatan ve Hürriyet ("Motherland and Liberty"). On 20 June 1907, he was promoted to the rank of Senior Captain (Kolağası) and on 13 October 1907, assigned to the headquarters of the Third Army in Manastır.[37] He joined the Committee of Union and Progress, with membership number 322, although in later years he became known for his opposition to, and frequent criticism of, the policies pursued by the CUP leadership. On 22 June 1908, he was appointed the Inspector of the Ottoman Railways in Eastern Rumelia (Doğu Rumeli Bölgesi Demiryolları Müfettişi).[37] In July 1908, he played a role in the Young Turk Revolution which seized power from Sultan Abdülhamid II and restored the constitutional monarchy.
Mustafa Kemal Bey (4th from right) listening to the briefing of French Colonel Auguste Edouard Hirschauer during the Picardie army manoeuvres, September 1910

He was proposing depolitization in the army, a proposal which was disliked by the leaders of the CUP. As a result, he was sent away to Tripolitania Vilayet (present Libya, then an Ottoman territory) under the pretext of suppressing a tribal rebellion towards the end of 1908.[35] According to Mikush however, he volunteered for this mission.[38] He suppressed the revolt and returned to İstanbul in January 1909.

In April 1909 in İstanbul, a group of soldiers began a counter revolution (see 31 March Incident). Mustafa Kemal was instrumental in suppressing the revolt.[39]

In 1910 he was called to the Ottoman provinces in Albania.[40][41] At that time Isa Boletini was leading Albanian uprisings in Kosovo and there were revolts in Albania.[42][43] In 1910 he met with Eqerem Vlora the Albanian lord, politician, writer, and one of the signatories of Albanian Declaration of Independence.[44][45]

Later, in the autumn of 1910, he was among the Ottoman military observers who attended the Picardie army manoeuvres in France,[46] and in 1911, served at the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Istanbul for a short time.

Italo-Turkish War (1911–12)

In 1911, he was assigned to the Ottoman Tripolitania Vilayet (present-day Libya) to fight in the Italo-Turkish War, mainly in the areas near Benghazi, Derna and Tobruk against a 150,000-strong Italian amphibious assault force,[47] which had to be countered by 20,000 Bedouins[48] and 8,000 Turks[48] A short time before Italy declared war, a large portion of the Ottoman troops in Libya were sent to the Ottoman province of Yemen in order to put down the rebellion there, so the Ottoman government was caught with inadequate resources to counter the Italians in Libya; and the British government, which controlled the Ottoman provinces of Egypt and Sudan, did not allow sending additional Ottoman troops to Libya through Egypt. Ottoman soldiers like Mustafa Kemal went to Libya either dressed as Arabs (risking imprisonment if noticed by the British authorities in Egypt), or through very few available ferries (the Italians, who had superior naval forces, effectively controlled the sea routes to Tripoli). However, despite all the hardships, Mustafa Kemal's forces in Libya managed to repel the Italians on a number of occasions, such as the Battle of Tobruk on 22 December 1911. During the Battle of Derna on 16–17 January 1912, while Mustafa Kemal was assaulting the Italian-controlled fortress of Kasr-ı Harun, two Italian planes dropped bombs on the Ottoman forces and a piece of limestone from a damaged building's rubble entered Mustafa Kemal's left eye; which caused a permanent damage on his left eye's tissue, but not total loss of sight. He received medical treatment for nearly a month; he attempted to leave the Red Crescent's health facilities after only two weeks, but when his eye's situation worsened, he had to return and resume treatment. On 6 March 1912 Mustafa Kemal became the Commander of the Ottoman forces in Derna. He managed to defend and retain the city and its surrounding region until the end of the Italo-Turkish War on 18 October 1912. Mustafa Kemal, Enver Bey, Fethi Bey and the other Ottoman military commanders in Libya had to return to Ottoman Europe following the outbreak of the Balkan Wars on 8 October 1912. Losing the war, the Ottoman government had to surrender Tripolitania, Fezzan and Cyrenaica (3 provinces forming present-day Libya) to the Kingdom of Italy with the secret Treaty of Ouchy (the public version is First Treaty of Lausanne) signed ten days later, on 18 October.[49]

Balkan Wars (1912–13)

On 1 December 1912, Mustafa Kemal arrived at his new headquarters on the Gallipoli peninsula and during the First Balkan War, he took part in the amphibious landing at Bulair on the coast of Thrace that was commanded by Binbaşı Fethi Bey, but this offensive was repulsed during the Battle of Bulair by Georgi Todorov's 7th Rila Infantry Division[50] under the command of Stiliyan Kovachev's Bulgarian Fourth Army.[51]

In June 1913, during the Second Balkan War, he took part in the Ottoman Army forces[52] commanded by Kaymakam Enver Bey that recovered Dimetoka and Edirne (Adrianople, the capital city of the Ottoman Empire between 1365 and 1453, thus of utmost historic importance for the Turks) together with most of eastern Thrace from the Bulgarians.

In 1913, he was appointed the Ottoman military attaché to all Balkan states (his office was in Sofia, Bulgaria) and promoted to the rank of Kaymakam (Lieutenant Colonel / Colonel) on 1 March 1914.[33]

First World War (1914–18)

In 1914, the Ottoman Empire entered the European and Middle Eastern theatres of World War I allied with the Central Powers. Mustafa Kemal was given the task of organizing and commanding the 19th Division attached to the Fifth Army during the Battle of Gallipoli. Mustafa Kemal became the front-line commander after correctly anticipating where the Allies would attack and holding his position until they retreated. Following the Battle of Gallipoli, Mustafa Kemal served in Edirne until 14 January 1916. He was then assigned to the command of the XVI Corps of the Second Army and sent to the Caucasus Campaign after the massive Russian offensive had reached key Anatolian cities. On 7 August, Mustafa Kemal rallied his troops and mounted a counteroffensive.[53] Two of his divisions captured Bitlis and Muş, upsetting the calculations of the Russian Command.[54]

Following this victory, the CUP government in Constantinople proposed to establish a new army in Hejaz (Hicaz Kuvve-i Seferiyesi) and appoint Mustafa Kemal to its command, but he refused the proposal and this army was never established.[46] Instead, on 7 March 1917, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was promoted from the command of the XVI Corps to the overall command of the Second Army, although the Czar's armies were soon withdrawn when the Russian Revolution erupted.[46][53]

In July 1917, he was appointed to the command of the Seventh Army, replacing Fevzi Pasha on 7 August 1917, who was under the command of the German general Erich von Falkenhayn's Yildirim Army Group (after the British forces of General Edmund Allenby captured Jerusalem in December 1917, Erich von Falkenhayn was replaced by Otto Liman von Sanders who became the new commander of the Yıldırım Army Group in early 1918.)[46] Mustafa Kemal Pasha could not get along well with General von Falkenhayn and, together with Miralay İsmet Bey, wrote a report to Grand Vizier Talaat Pasha regarding the grim situation and lack of adequate resources in the Palestinian front; but Talaat Pasha ignored their observations and refused their suggestion to form a stronger defensive line to the north, in Ottoman Syria (in parts of the Beirut Vilayet, Damascus Vilayet and Aleppo Vilayet), with Turks instead of Germans in command.[46] Following the rejection of his report, Mustafa Kemal resigned from the Seventh Army and returned to Constantinople.[46] There, he was assigned with the task of accompanying the crown prince (and future sultan) Mehmed Vahideddin during his train trip to Austria-Hungary and Germany.[46] While in Germany, Mustafa Kemal visited the German lines in the west European front and came to the conclusion that the Central Powers would soon lose the war.[46] He did not hesitate to openly express this opinion to Kaiser Wilhelm II and his high-ranking generals in person.[46] During the return trip, he briefly stayed in Karlsbad and Vienna for medical treatment.[46]

When Mehmed VI became the new Sultan of the Ottoman Empire in July 1918, he called Mustafa Kemal Pasha to Constantinople, and in August 1918 assigned him to the command of the Seventh Army in Palestine.[46] Mustafa Kemal arrived in Aleppo on 26 August 1918, then continued south to his headquarters in Nablus. The Seventh Army was holding the central sector of the front lines. On 19 September, at the beginning of the Battle of Megiddo, the Eighth Army was holding the coastal flank, but fell apart and Liman Pasha ordered the Seventh Army to withdraw to the north in order to prevent the British from conducting a short envelopment to the Jordan River. The Seventh Army retired towards the Jordan River but was destroyed by British aerial bombardment during its retreat from Nablus on 21 September 1918.[55] Nevertheless, Mustafa Kemal managed to form a defense line to the north of Aleppo. According to Lord Kinross, Mustafa Kemal was the only Turkish general in the war who never suffered a defeat.[56]

The war ended with the Armistice of Mudros which was signed on 30 October 1918, and all German and Austro-Hungarian troops in the Ottoman Empire were granted ample time to withdraw. On 31 October, Kemal was appointed to the command of the Yıldırım Army Group, replacing Liman von Sanders. He organized the distribution of weapons to the civilians in Antep in case of a defensive conflict against the invading Allies.[46]

Mustafa Kemal Pasha's last active service in the Ottoman Army was organizing the return of the Ottoman troops left behind to the south of this line. In early November 1918, the Yıldırım Army Group was officially dissolved and Mustafa Kemal returned to an occupied Constantinople, the Ottoman capital, on 13 November 1918.[46] For a period he worked at the headquarters of the Ministry of War (Harbiye Nezareti) in Constantinople and continued his activities in this city until 16 May 1919.[46] Along the established lines of the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies (British, Italian, French and Greek forces) occupied Anatolia. The occupation of Constantinople, which was followed by the occupation of İzmir (the two largest Ottoman cities in that period) sparked the establishment of the Turkish National Movement and the Turkish War of Independence.[57]

Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923)

Fahri Yaver-i Hazret-i Şehriyari ("Honorary Aide-de-camp to His Majesty Sultan") Mirliva Mustafa Kemal Pasha was assigned as the inspector of the Ninth Army Troops Inspectorate to reorganize what remained of the Ottoman military units and to improve internal security on 30 April 1919.[58] On 19 May 1919, he reached Samsun. His first goal was the establishment of an organized national movement against the occupying forces. In June 1919, he issued the Amasya Circular, declaring the independence of the country was in danger. He resigned from the Ottoman Army on 8 July and the Ottoman government issued a warrant for his arrest. Later, he was condemned to death.

On 4 September 1919, he assembled a congress in Sivas. Those who opposed the Allies in various provinces in Turkey issued a declaration named Misak-ı Millî ("National Pact"). Mustafa Kemal was appointed as the head of the executive committee of the congress. This gave Mustafa Kemal the legitimacy he needed for his future politics.[59] (See Sivas Congress.)

The last election to the Ottoman parliament held in December 1919 gave a sweeping majority to candidates of the "Association for Defense of Rights for Anatolia and Roumelia (Anadolu ve Rumeli Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti)", headed by Mustafa Kemal, who himself remained in Ankara. The fourth (and last) term of the Parliament opened in Constantinople on 12 January 1920. It was dissolved by British forces on 18 March 1920, shortly after it adopted the Misak-ı Millî ("National Pact"). Mustafa Kemal called for a national election to establish a new Turkish Parliament seated in Ankara[60] – the "Grand National Assembly" (GNA). On 23 April 1920, the GNA opened with Mustafa Kemal as the speaker; this act effectively created the situation of diarchy in the country.

On 10 August 1920, the Ottoman Grand Vizier Damat Ferid Pasha signed the Treaty of Sèvres, finalizing plans for the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire, including the regions that Turkish nationals viewed as their heartland. Mustafa Kemal insisted on the country's complete independence and the safeguarding of interests of the Turkish majority on "Turkish soil". He persuaded the GNA to gather a National Army. The GNA Army faced the Caliphate army propped up by the Allied occupation forces and had the immediate task of fighting the Armenian forces in the Eastern Front and the Greek forces advancing eastward from Smyrna (modern-day İzmir) that they had occupied in May 1919, on the Western Front. In January 1920, Mustafa Kemal advanced his troops into Marash where the Battle of Marash ensued against the French Armenian Legion. The battle resulted in a Turkish victory alongside the massacres of 5,000–12,000 Armenians spelling the end of the remaining Armenian population in the region.[61][62][63][64][65]

The GNA military successes against the Democratic Republic of Armenia in the autumn of 1920 and later against the Greeks were made possible[66] by a steady supply of gold and armaments to the kemalists from the Russian Bolshevik government from the autumn 1920 onwards.

After a series of battles during the Greco-Turkish war, the Greek army advanced as far as the Sakarya River, just eighty kilometers west of the GNA. On 5 August 1921, Mustafa Kemal was promoted to Commander in chief of the forces by the GNA.[67] The ensuing Battle of Sakarya was fought from 23 August to 13 September 1921 and ended with the defeat of the Greeks. After this victory, on 19 September 1921, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was given by the Grand National Assembly the rank of Mareşal and the title of Gazi. The Allies, ignoring the extent of Kemal's successes, hoped to impose a modified version of the Treaty of Sèvres as a peace settlement on Ankara, but the proposal was rejected. In August 1922, Kemal launched an all-out attack on the Greek lines at Afyonkarahisar in the Battle of Dumlupınar and Turkish forces regained control of Smyrna on 9 September 1922.[68] On 10 September 1922, Mustafa Kemal sent a telegram to the League of Nations saying that the Turkish population was so worked up that the Ankara Government would not be responsible for massacres.[69]

Establishment of the Republic of Turkey

The Conference of Lausanne began on 21 November 1922. Turkey, represented by İsmet İnönü of the GNA, refused any proposal that would compromise Turkish sovereignty,[70] such as the control of Turkish finances, the Capitulations, the Straits and other issues. Although the conference halted on 4 February, it continued after 23 April mainly on the economic issues.[54] On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne was signed by the Powers with the GNA, thus recognising the latter as the government of Turkey.

On 29 October 1923, the Republic of Turkey was proclaimed.[71] Since then Republic Day has been celebrated as a national holiday on this date.[72]

Presidency

With the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, efforts to modernise the country started. The new government analyzed the institutions and constitutions of Western states such as France, Sweden, Italy, and Switzerland and adapted them to the needs and characteristics of the Turkish nation. Highlighting the public's lack of knowledge regarding Kemal's intentions, the public cheered: "We are returning to the days of the first caliphs."[73] Mustafa Kemal placed Fevzi Çakmak, Kâzım Özalp and İsmet İnönü in political positions where they could institute his reforms. Mustafa Kemal capitalized on his reputation as an efficient military leader and spent the following years, up until his death in 1938, instituting political, economic, and social reforms. In doing so, he transformed Turkish society from perceiving itself as a Muslim part of a vast Empire into a modern, democratic, and secular nation-state. This had a positive influence on human capital because what from now on mattered at school was science and education; Islam was concentrated in mosques and religious places.[74]
Domestic policies

Mustafa Kemal's basic tenet was the complete independence of the country.[75] He clarified his position:

...by complete independence, we mean of course complete economic, financial, juridical, military, cultural independence and freedom in all matters. Being deprived of independence in any of these is equivalent to the nation and country being deprived of all its independence.[76]

He led wide-ranging reforms in social, cultural, and economical aspects, establishing the new Republic's backbone of legislative, judicial, and economic structures. Though he was later idealized by some as an originator of sweeping reforms, many of his reformist ideas were already common in Ottoman intellectual circles at the turn of the 20th century, and were expressed more openly after the Young Turk Revolution.[77]

Mustafa Kemal created a banner to mark the changes between the old Ottoman and the new republican rule. Each change was symbolized as an arrow in this banner. This defining ideology of the Republic of Turkey is referred to as the "Six Arrows", or Kemalist ideology. Kemalist ideology is based on Mustafa Kemal's conception of realism and pragmatism.[78] The fundamentals of nationalism, populism and etatism were all defined under the Six Arrows. These fundamentals were not new in world politics or, indeed, among the elite of Turkey. What made them unique was that these interrelated fundamentals were formulated specifically for Turkey's needs. A good example is the definition and application of secularism; the Kemalist secular state significantly differed from predominantly Christian states.

Emergence of the state, 1923–1924

Mustafa Kemal's private journal entries dated before the establishment of the republic in 1923 show that he believed in the importance of the sovereignty of the people. In forging the new republic, the Turkish revolutionaries turned their back on the perceived corruption and decadence of cosmopolitan Constantinople and its Ottoman heritage.[79] For instance, they made Ankara the country's new capital and reformed the Turkish postal service. Once a provincial town deep in Anatolia, Ankara was thus turned into the center of the independence movement. Atatürk wanted a "direct government by the Assembly"[80] and visualized a representative democracy, parliamentary sovereignty, where the National Parliament would be the ultimate source of power.[80]

In the following years, he altered his stance somewhat; the country needed an immense amount of reconstruction, and that "direct government by the Assembly" could not survive in such an environment. The revolutionaries faced challenges from the supporters of the old Ottoman regime, and also from the supporters of newer ideologies such as communism and fascism. Mustafa Kemal saw the consequences of fascist and communist doctrines in the 1920s and 1930s and rejected both.[81] He prevented the spread into Turkey of the totalitarian party rule which held sway in the Soviet Union, Germany and Italy.[82] Some perceived his opposition and silencing of these ideologies as a means of eliminating competition; others believed it was necessary to protect the young Turkish state from succumbing to the instability of new ideologies and competing factions.[citation needed]

The heart of the new republic was the GNA, established during the Turkish War of Independence by Mustafa Kemal.[83] The elections were free and used an egalitarian electoral system that was based on a general ballot.[83] Deputies at the GNA served as the voice of Turkish society by expressing its political views and preferences. It had the right to select and control both the government and the Prime Minister. Initially, it also acted as a legislative power, controlling the executive branch and, if necessary, acted as an organ of scrutiny under the Turkish Constitution of 1921.[83] The Turkish Constitution of 1924 set a loose separation of powers between the legislative and the executive organs of the state, whereas the separation of these two within the judiciary system was a strict one. Mustafa Kemal, then the President, occupied a powerful position in this political system.

The one-party regime was established de facto in 1925 after the adoption of the 1924 constitution. The only political party of the GNA was the "Peoples Party", founded by Mustafa Kemal on 9 September 1923. (But according to the party culture the foundation date was the opening day of Sivas Congress on 4 September 1919). On 10 November 1924 it was renamed Cumhuriyet Halk Fırkası or Republican People's Party (the word fırka was replaced by the word parti in 1935).

Civic independence and the Caliphate, 1924–1925

Abolition of the Caliphate was an important dimension in Mustafa Kemal's drive to reform the political system and to promote the national sovereignty. By the consensus of the Muslim majority in early centuries, the caliphate was the core political concept of Sunni Islam.[84] Abolishing the sultanate was easier because the survival of the Caliphate at the time satisfied the partisans of the sultanate. This produced a split system with the new republic on one side and an Islamic form of government with the Caliph on the other side, and Mustafa Kemal and İnönü worried that "it nourished the expectations that the sovereign would return under the guise of Caliph."[85] Caliph Abdülmecid II was elected after the abolition of the sultanate (1922).

The caliph had his own personal treasury and also had a personal service that included military personnel; Mustafa Kemal said that there was no "religious" or "political" justification for this. He believed that Caliph Abdülmecid II was following in the steps of the sultans in domestic and foreign affairs: accepting of and responding to foreign representatives and reserve officers, and participating in official ceremonies and celebrations.[86] He wanted to integrate the powers of the caliphate into the powers of the GNA. His initial activities began on 1 January 1924, when[86] İnönü, Çakmak and Özalp consented to the abolition of the caliphate. The caliph made a statement to the effect that he would not interfere with political affairs.[87] On 1 March 1924, at the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal said:

The religion of Islam will be elevated if it will cease to be a political instrument, as had been the case in the past.[88]

On 3 March 1924, the caliphate was officially abolished and its powers within Turkey were transferred to the GNA. Other Muslim nations debated the validity of Turkey's unilateral abolition of the caliphate as they decided whether they should confirm the Turkish action or appoint a new caliph.[87] A "Caliphate Conference" was held in Cairo in May 1926 and a resolution was passed declaring the caliphate "a necessity in Islam", but failed to implement this decision.[87]

Two other Islamic conferences were held in Mecca (1926) and Jerusalem (1931), but failed to reach a consensus.[87] Turkey did not accept the re-establishment of the caliphate and perceived it as an attack to its basic existence; while Mustafa Kemal and the reformists continued their own way.[89]

On 8 April 1924, sharia courts were abolished with the law "Mehakim-i Şer'iyenin İlgasına ve Mehakim Teşkilatına Ait Ahkamı Muaddil Kanun".[90][91]

The removal of the caliphate was followed by an extensive effort to establish the separation of governmental and religious affairs. Education was the cornerstone in this effort. In 1923, there were three main educational groups of institutions. The most common institutions were medreses based on Arabic, the Qur'an and memorization. The second type of institution was idadî and sultanî, the reformist schools of the Tanzimat era. The last group included colleges and minority schools in foreign languages that used the latest teaching models in educating pupils. The old medrese education was modernized.[92] Mustafa Kemal changed the classical Islamic education for a vigorously promoted reconstruction of educational institutions.[92] Mustafa Kemal linked educational reform to the liberation of the nation from dogma, which he believed was more important than the Turkish War of Independence. He declared:

Today, our most important and most productive task is the national education [unification and modernization] affairs. We have to be successful in national education affairs and we shall be. The liberation of a nation is only achieved through this way."[93]

In the summer of 1924, Mustafa Kemal invited American educational reformer John Dewey to Ankara to advise him on how to reform Turkish education.[92] His public education reforms aimed to prepare citizens for roles in public life through increasing the public literacy. He wanted to institute compulsory primary education for both girls and boys; since then this effort has been an ongoing task for the republic. He pointed out that one of the main targets of education in Turkey had to be raising a generation nourished with what he called the "public culture". The state schools established a common curriculum which became known as the "unification of education."

Unification of education was put into force on 3 March 1924 by the Law on Unification of Education (No. 430). With the new law, education became inclusive, organized on a model of the civil community. In this new design, all schools submitted their curriculum to the "Ministry of National Education", a government agency modelled after other countries' ministries of education. Concurrently, the republic abolished the two ministries and made clergy subordinate to the department of religious affairs, one of the foundations of secularism in Turkey. The unification of education under one curriculum ended "clerics or clergy of the Ottoman Empire", but was not the end of religious schools in Turkey; they were moved to higher education until later governments restored them to their former position in secondary after Mustafa Kemal's death.

Beginning in the fall of 1925, Mustafa Kemal encouraged the Turks to wear modern European attire.[94] He was determined to force the abandonment of the sartorial traditions of the Middle East and finalize a series of dress reforms, which were originally started by Mahmud II.[94] The fez was established by Sultan Mahmud II in 1826 as part of the Ottoman Empire's modernization effort. The Hat Law of 1925 introduced the use of Western-style hats instead of the fez. Mustafa Kemal first made the hat compulsory for civil servants.[94] The guidelines for the proper dressing of students and state employees were passed during his lifetime; many civil servants adopted the hat willingly. In 1925, Mustafa Kemal wore a Panama hat during a public appearance in Kastamonu, one of the most conservative towns in Anatolia, to explain that the hat was the headgear of civilized nations. The last part of reform on dress emphasized the need to wear modern Western suits with neckties as well as Fedora and Derby-style hats instead of antiquated religion-based clothing such as the veil and turban in the Law Relating to Prohibited Garments of 1934.

Even though he personally promoted modern dress for women, Mustafa Kemal never made specific reference to women's clothing in the law, as he believed that women would adapt to the new clothing styles of their own free will. He was frequently photographed on public business with his wife Lâtife Uşaklıgil, who covered her head in accordance with Islamic tradition. He was also frequently photographed on public business with women wearing modern Western clothes. But it was Atatürk's adopted daughters, Sabiha Gökçen and Afet İnan, who provided the real role model for the Turkish women of the future. He wrote: "The religious covering of women will not cause difficulty ... This simple style [of headcovering] is not in conflict with the morals and manners of our society."[95]

On 30 August 1925, Mustafa Kemal's view on religious insignia used outside places of worship was introduced in his Kastamonu speech. This speech also had another position. He said:

In the face of knowledge, science, and of the whole extent of radiant civilization, I cannot accept the presence in Turkey's civilized community of people primitive enough to seek material and spiritual benefits in the guidance of sheiks. The Turkish republic cannot be a country of sheiks, dervishes, and disciples. The best, the truest order is the order of civilization. To be a man it is enough to carry out the requirements of civilization. The leaders of dervish orders will understand the truth of my words, and will themselves close down their lodges [tekke] and admit that their disciplines have grown up.[96][97]

On 2 September, the government issued a decree closing down all Sufi orders and the tekkes. Mustafa Kemal ordered their dervish lodges to be converted to museums, such as Mevlana Museum in Konya. The institutional expression of Sufism became illegal in Turkey; a politically neutral form of Sufism, functioning as social associations, was permitted to exist.[citation needed]

The abolition of the caliphate and other cultural reforms were met with fierce opposition. The conservative elements were not happy and they launched attacks on the Kemalist reformists.[87]

Opposition to Mustafa Kemal in 1924–1927

In 1924, while the "Issue of Mosul" was on the table, Sheikh Said began to organize the Sheikh Said Rebellion. Sheikh Said was a wealthy Kurdish[citation needed] tribal chief of a local Naqshbandi order. He emphasized the issue of religion; he not only opposed the abolition of the Caliphate, but also the adoption of civil codes based on Western models, the closure of religious orders, the ban on polygamy, and the new obligatory civil marriage. Sheikh stirred up his followers against the policies of the government, which he considered anti-Islamic. In an effort to restore Islamic law, Sheik's forces moved through the countryside, seized government offices and marched on the important cities of Elazığ and Diyarbakır.[98] Members of the government saw the Sheikh Said Rebellion as an attempt at a counter-revolution. They urged immediate military action to prevent its spread. The "Law for the Maintenance of Public Order" was passed to deal with the rebellion on 4 March 1925. It gave the government exceptional powers and included the authority to shut down subversive groups, but was repealed on 4 March 1929.

There were also parliamentarians in the GNA who were not happy with these changes[who?]. So many members were denounced as opposition sympathizers at a private meeting of the Republican People's Party (CHP) that Mustafa Kemal expressed his fear of being among the minority in his own party.[99] He decided not to purge this group.[99] After a censure motion gave the chance to have a breakaway group, Kazım Karabekir, along with his friends, established such a group on 17 October 1924. The censure became a confidence vote at the CHP for Mustafa Kemal. On 8 November, the motion was rejected by 148 votes to 18, and 41 votes were absent.[99] CHP held all but one seat in the parliament. After the majority of the CHP chose him[99] Mustafa Kemal said, "the Turkish nation is firmly determined to advance fearlessly on the path of the republic, civilization and progress".[99]

On 17 November 1924, the breakaway group established the Progressive Republican Party (PRP) with 29 deputies and the first multi-party system began. Some of Mustafa Kemal's closest associates who had supported him in the early days of the War of Independence such as Rauf Bey (later Rauf Orbay), Refet Pasha and Ali Fuat Pasha (later Ali Fuat Cebesoy) were among the members of the new party. The PRP's economic program suggested liberalism, in contrast to the state socialism of CHP, and its social program was based on conservatism in contrast to the modernism of CHP. Leaders of the party strongly supported the Kemalist revolution in principle, but had different opinions on the cultural revolution and the principle of secularism.[100] The PRP was not against Mustafa Kemal's main positions as declared in its program; they supported establishing secularism in the country and the civic law, or as stated, "the needs of the age" (article 3) and the uniform system of education (article 49).[101] These principles were set by the leaders at the onset. The only legal opposition became a home for all kinds of differing views.

During 1926, a plot to assassinate Mustafa Kemal was uncovered in İzmir. It originated with a former deputy who had opposed the abolition of the Caliphate. Investigation shifted from an inquiry into the planners to an investigation ostensibly to uncover subversive activities but in truth used to undermine those disagreeing with Mustafa Kemal's cultural revolution. The sweeping investigation brought a number of political activists before the tribunal, including Karabekir, the leader of PRP. A number of surviving leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, who were at best second-rank in the Turkish movement, including Cavid, Ahmed Şükrü, and Ismail Canbulat, were found guilty of treason and hanged.[102] The investigations found a link between the members of the PRP and the Sheikh Said Rebellion. The PRP was dissolved following the outcomes of the trial. The pattern of organized opposition, however, was broken. This action was the only broad political purge during Atatürk's presidency. Mustafa Kemal's saying, "My mortal body will turn into dust, but the Republic of Turkey will last forever," was regarded as a will after the assassination attempt.[103]

Modernization efforts, 1926–1930

In the years following 1926, Mustafa Kemal introduced a radical departure from previous reformations established by the Ottoman Empire.[104] For the first time in history, Islamic law was separated from secular law, and restricted to matters of religion.[104] Mustafa Kemal said:

We must liberate our concepts of justice, our laws and our legal institutions from the bonds which, even though they are incompatible with the needs of our century, still hold a tight grip on us.[105]

On 1 March 1926, the Turkish penal code was passed. It was modelled after the Italian Penal Code. On 4 October 1926, Islamic courts were closed. Establishing the civic law needed time, so Mustafa Kemal delayed the inclusion of the principle of laïcité until 5 February 1937.

Ottoman practice discouraged social interaction between men and women in keeping with Islamic practice of sex segregation. Mustafa Kemal began developing social reforms very early, as was evident in his personal journal. He and his staff discussed issues like abolishing the veiling of women and the integration of women into the outside world. The clue on how he was planning to tackle the issue was stated in his journal in November 1915:

The social change can come by (1) educating capable mothers who are knowledgeable about life; (2) giving freedom to women; (3) a man can change his morals, thoughts, and feelings by leading a common life with a woman; as there is an inborn tendency towards the attraction of mutual affection.[106]

Mustafa Kemal needed a new civil code to establish his second major step of giving freedom to women. The first part was the education of girls and was established with the unification of education. On 4 October 1926, the new Turkish civil code passed. It was modelled after the Swiss Civil Code. Under the new code, women gained equality with men in such matters as inheritance and divorce. Mustafa Kemal did not consider gender a factor in social organization. According to his view, society marched towards its goal with men and women united. He believed that it was scientifically impossible for him to achieve progress and to become civilized if the gender separation continued as in Ottoman times.[107] During a meeting he declaimed:

To the women: Win for us the battle of education and you will do yet more for your country than we have been able to do. It is to you that I appeal.
To the men: If henceforward the women do not share in the social life of the nation, we shall never attain to our full development. We shall remain irremediably backward, incapable of treating on equal terms with the civilizations of the West.[108]

In 1927, the State Art and Sculpture Museum (Turkish: Ankara Resim ve Heykel Müzesi) opened its doors. The museum highlighted sculpture, which was little practised in Turkey owing to the Islamic tradition of avoiding idolatry. Mustafa Kemal believed that "culture is the foundation of the Turkish Republic."[109] and described modern Turkey's ideological thrust as "a creation of patriotism blended with a lofty humanist ideal." He included both his own nation's creative legacy and what he saw as the admirable values of global civilization. The pre-Islamic culture of the Turks became the subject of extensive research, and particular emphasis was laid upon Turkish culture widespread before the Seljuk and Ottoman civilizations. He instigated study of Anatolian civilizations—Phrygians and Lydians, Sumerians and Hittites. To attract current public attention to past cultures, he personally named the "Sümerbank" (1932) after the Sumerians, and the "Etibank" (1935) after the Hittites. He also stressed the folk arts of the countryside as a wellspring of Turkish creativity.

In the spring of 1928, Mustafa Kemal met in Ankara with several linguists and professors from all over Turkey where he unveiled to them a plan of his to implement a new alphabet for the written Turkish language based on a modified Latin alphabet. The new Turkish alphabet would serve as a replacement for the old Arabic script and as a solution to the literacy problem in Turkey, as the Arabic script does not feature any vowels while the Turkish language has eight. When he asked them at how long it would take, in their professional opinion, to implement the new alphabet into the Turkish language, most of the professors and linguists said between three and five years. Mustafa Kemal was said to have scoffed and openly stated, "we shall do it in three to five months".[citation needed]

Over the next several months, Mustafa Kemal pressed for the introduction of the new Turkish alphabet as well as made public announcements to the upcoming overhaul of the new alphabet. On 1 November 1928 he introduced the new Turkish alphabet and abolished the use of Arabic script. At the time, literate citizens of the country comprised as little as 10% of the population. Dewey noted to Mustafa Kemal that learning how to read and write in Turkish with the Arabic script took roughly three years with rather strenuous methods at the elementary level.[92] They used the Ottoman Language written in the Arabic script with Arabic and Persian loan vocabulary.[92] The creation of the new Turkish alphabet as a variant of the Latin alphabet was undertaken by the Language Commission (Turkish: Dil Encümeni) with the initiative of Mustafa Kemal.[92] The tutelage was received from an Ottoman-Armenian scientist Hagop Dilaçar.[110] The first Turkish newspaper using the new alphabet was published on 15 December 1928. Mustafa Kemal himself travelled the countryside in order to teach citizens the new alphabet. After vigorous campaigns, the literacy rate increased from 10.6% in 1927 to 22.4% in 1940.[111] A number of congresses were organized on scientific issues, education, history, economics, arts and language.[112] Libraries were systematically developed, mobile libraries and book transport systems were set up to serve districts and remote places.[113] Literacy reform was also supported by strengthening the private publishing sector with a new law on copyrights.

Mustafa Kemal promoted modern teaching methods at the primary education level, and Dewey took a place of honour.[92] Dewey presented a paradigmatic set of recommendations designed for developing societies that are moving towards modernity in his "Report and Recommendation for the Turkish educational system."[92] He was interested in adult education for the goal of forming a skill base in the country. Turkish women were taught not only child care, dress-making and household management, but also skills needed to join the economy outside the home. Turkish education became a state-supervised system, which was designed to create a skill base for the social and economic progress of the country.[114] His "unified" education program was designed to educate responsible citizens as well as useful and appreciated members of society.[92] Turkish education became an integrative system, aimed to alleviate poverty and used female education to establish gender equality. Atatürk himself put special emphasis on the education of girls and supported coeducation, introducing it at university level in 1923–24 and establishing it as the norm throughout the educational system by 1927.[115] Atatürk's reforms on education made education much more accessible: between 1923 and 1938, the number of students attending primary schools increased by 224% from 342,000 to 765,000, the number of students attending middle schools increased by 12.5 times, from around 6,000 to 74,000 and the number of students attending high schools increased by almost 17 times, from 1,200 to 21,000.[116]

Mustafa Kemal generated media attention to propagate modern education during this period. He instigated official education meetings called "Science Boards" and "Education Summits." to discuss the quality of education, training issues and certain basic educational principles. He said, "our schools [curriculum] should aim to provide opportunities for all pupils to learn and to achieve." He was personally engaged with the development of two textbooks. The first one was Turkish: Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (1930). The second, Geometry (1937), was a text for high schools. The Vatandaş İçin Medeni Bilgiler (Civic knowledge for the citizens) introduced the science of comparative government and explained the means of administering public trust by explaining the rules of governance as applied to the new state institutions.

Opposition to Mustafa Kemal in 1930–1931

On 11 August 1930, Mustafa Kemal decided to try a multiparty movement once again and asked Ali Fethi Okyar to establish a new party. He insisted on the protection of secular reforms. The brand-new Liberal Republican Party succeeded all around the country. Without the establishment of a real political spectrum, once again, the party became the center to opposition of Atatürk's reforms, particularly in regard to the role of religion in public life.

On 23 December 1930, a chain of violent incidents occurred, starting with the rebellion of Islamic fundamentalists in Menemen, a small town in the Aegean region. This so-called Menemen Incident was considered a serious threat against secular reforms.

In November 1930, Ali Fethi Okyar dissolved his own party. A more lasting multi-party period of the Republic of Turkey began in 1945. In 1950, the CHP released the majority position to the Democratic Party. There are arguments that Mustafa Kemal's single party rule did not promote direct democracy. The reason experiments with pluralism failed during this period was that not all groups in the country had agreed to a minimal consensus regarding shared values (mainly secularism) and shared rules for conflict resolution. In response to such criticisms, Mustafa Kemal's biographer Andrew Mango said: "between the two wars, democracy could not be sustained in many relatively richer and better-educated societies. Atatürk's enlightened authoritarianism left a reasonable space for free private lives. More could not have been expected in his lifetime."[117] Even though, at times, he did not appear to be a democrat in his actions, he always supported the idea of building a civil society: a system of voluntary civic and social organizations and institutions as opposed to the force-backed structures of the state. In one of his many speeches about the importance of democracy, Mustafa Kemal said in 1933:

Republic means the democratic administration of the state. We founded the Republic, reaching its tenth year. It should enforce all the requirements of democracy as the time comes.[118]

Modernization efforts, 1931–1938

In 1931, Mustafa Kemal established the Turkish Language Association for conducting research works in the Turkish language (Turkish: Türk Dil Kurumu). The Turkish Historical Society (Turkish: Türk Tarih Kurumu) was established in 1931, and began maintaining archives in 1932 for conducting research works on the history of Turkey.[119] On 1 January 1928, he established the Turkish Education Association.[119] The Association supported intelligent and hard-working children in financial need, as well as making material and scientific contributions to the educational life.

In 1933, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk ordered the reorganization of Istanbul University into a modern institution and later established Ankara University in the capital city.[120]

Mustafa Kemal dealt with the translation of scientific terminology into Turkish.[121] He wanted the Turkish language reform to be methodologically based. Any attempt to "cleanse" the Turkish language of foreign influence without modelling the integral structure of the language was inherently wrong to him. He personally oversaw the development of the Sun Language Theory (Turkish: Güneş Dil Teorisi), which was a linguistic theory which proposed that all human languages were descendants of one Central Asian primal language. His interest started with the works by the French scientist Hilaire de Barenton titled L'Origine des Langues, des Religions et des Peuples, which postulates that all languages originated from hieroglyphs and cuneiform used by Sumerians,[122] and the paper of Austrian linguist Dr. Hermann F. Kvergić of Vienna titled "La psychologie de quelques elements des langues Turques" ("the psychology of some elements of the Turkic Languages").[123] He introduced the Sun Language Theory into Turkish political and educational circles in 1935, although he did later correct the more extremist practices.[121]

A politician, Saffet Arıkan, who was the head of the Turkish Language Association, said "Ulu Önderimiz Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal" (Our Great Leader Ata Türk Mustafa Kemal) in the opening speech of the 2nd Language Day on 26 September 1934. Later, the surname "Atatürk" (father of the Turks) accepted as the surname of Mustafa Kemal Pasha after the adoption of the Family Surname Law.[124] Until the Surname Law, Turks did not have surnames but laqabs only, while Christian and Jewish minorities had used Turkish surnames since Ottoman times.

Beginning in 1932, several hundred "People's Houses" (Turkish: Halk Evi) and "People's Rooms" (Halk Odası) across the country allowed greater access to a wide variety of artistic activities, sports, and other cultural events. Atatürk supported and encouraged the visual and the plastic arts, which had been suppressed by the Ottoman leaders, who regarded depiction of the human form as idolatry. Many museums opened, architecture began to follow modern trends, and classical Western music, opera, and ballet, as well as the theatre, also took greater hold. Book and magazine publications increased as well, and the film industry began to grow.

In 1932, a Qur'an in the Turkish language was read before a live audience and broadcast over the radio.[125] That same year, Mustafa Kemal wanted to "teach religion in Turkish to Turkish people who had been practising Islam without understanding it for centuries"[126] All Qur'ans in Turkey at the time were printed in Old Arabic. There was a rare polyglot Qu'ran written in Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Latin in the tetrapla style, prepared by savant Andrea Acolutho of Bernstadt and printed at Berlin in 1701.[127] In 1924, three Turkish translations published in Istanbul created controversy. Several renderings of the Qur'an in the Turkish language were read in front of the public.[125] These Turkish Qur'ans were fiercely opposed by religious people. This incident impelled many leading Muslim modernists to call upon the Turkish Parliament to sponsor a Qur'an translation of suitable quality.[128] With the support of Mustafa Kemal, the Parliament approved the project and the Directorate of Religious Affairs appointed Mehmet Akif (Ersoy) to compose a Qur'an translation, and an Islamic scholar Elmalılı Hamdi Yazır to author a Turkish language Qur'anic commentary (tafsir) titled "Hak Dini Kur'an Dili." It was only in 1935 that the version read in public found its way to print.[129] Mustafa Kemal believed that the understanding of religion was too important to be left to a small group of people.[126] This included the central religious text of Islam. Mustafa Kemal's objective was to make the Qu'ran accessible to modern people, and therefore to translate it into modern languages.[126]

In 1934, Mustafa Kemal commissioned the first Turkish operatic work, Özsoy. The opera, which was staged at the People's House in Ankara, was composed by Adnan Saygun and performed by soprano Semiha Berksoy.[130]

In November 1934, Atatürk adopted his new signature designed by calligrapher Hagop Vahram Çerçiyan. It is used as his official signature on Turkish government buildings to this day.
On 5 December 1934, Turkey moved to grant full political rights to women, before several other European nations. The equal rights of women in marriage had already been established in the earlier Turkish civil code.[131] Women's place in Mustafa Kemal's cultural reforms was best expressed in the civic book prepared under his supervision.[132] Mustafa Kemal said:

There is no logical explanation for the political disenfranchisement of women. Any hesitation and negative mentality on this subject is nothing more than a fading social phenomenon of the past. ...Women must have the right to vote and to be elected; because democracy dictates that, because there are interests that women must defend, and because there are social duties that women must perform.[133]

The 1935 elections yielded 18 female MPs out of a total of 395 representatives, compared to nine out of 615 members of the British House of Commons and six out of 435 in the US House of Representatives inaugurated that year.[134]
Unification and nationalisation efforts

When the modern Republic of Turkey was founded in 1923, nationalism and secularism were two of the founding principles.[135] Atatürk aimed to create a nation state (Turkish: Ulus devlet) from the Turkish remnants of the Ottoman Empire. Kemalist ideology defines the "Turkish People" as "those who protect and promote the moral, spiritual, cultural and humanistic values of the Turkish Nation."[136] One of the goals of the establishment of the new Turkish state was to ensure "the domination of Turkish ethnic identity in every aspect of social life from the language that people speak in the streets to the language to be taught at schools, from the education to the industrial life, from the trade to the cadres of state officials, from the civil law to the settlement of citizens to particular regions."[137] The process of unification through Turkification continued and was fostered under Atatürk's government with such policies as Citizen speak Turkish! (Turkish: Vatandaş Türkçe konuş!), an initiative created by law students but sponsored by the government which aimed to put pressure on non-Turkish speakers to speak Turkish in public in the 1930s.[7][138][5][4][139][140][141] The campaign went beyond the measures of a mere policy of speaking Turkish, to an outright prevention of any other language.[7][138][142][143][144] The Surname law forbade certain surnames that contained connotations of foreign cultures, nations, tribes, and religions.[5][141][145][146] As a result, many ethnic Armenians, Greeks, and Kurds were forced to adopt last names of Turkish rendition.[145] Names ending with "yan, of, ef , viç, is, dis , poulos, aki, zade, shvili, madumu, veled, bin" (names that denote non-Turkish origins) could not be registered and were replaced by "-oğlu."[147] The geographical name changes initiative by the Turkish government replaced non-Turkish geographical and topographic names within the Turkish Republic or the Ottoman Empire, with Turkish names.[148][149][6][150][151][152] The main proponent of the initiative has been a Turkish homogenization social-engineering campaign which aimed to assimilate geographical or topographical names that were deemed foreign and divisive against Turkish unity. The names that were considered foreign were usually of Armenian, Greek, Laz, Bulgarian, Kurdish, Assyrian, or Arabic origin.[148][6][151][152][153] The 1934 Resettlement Law (also known as the Law no. 2510) was a policy adopted by the Turkish government which set forth the basic principles of immigration.[154] The law, however, is regarded by some as a policy of assimilation of non-Turkish minorities through a forced and collective resettlement.[155]

Foreign policies

Atatürk's foreign policy followed his motto, "peace at home, peace in the world".[156] a perception of peace linked to his project of civilization and modernization.[157] The outcomes of Atatürk's policies depended on the power of the parliamentary sovereignty established by the Republic.[158] The Turkish War of Independence was the last time Atatürk used his military might in dealing with other countries. Foreign issues were resolved by peaceful methods during his presidency.

Issue of Mosul

The "Issue of Mosul", a dispute with the United Kingdom over control of Mosul Province, was one of the first foreign affairs-related controversies of the new Republic. During the Mesopotamian campaign, Lieutenant General William Marshall followed the British War Office's instruction that "every effort was to be made to score as heavily as possible on the Tigris before the whistle blew", capturing Mosul three days after the signature of the Armistice of Mudros (30 October 1918).[159] In 1920, the Misak-ı Milli, which consolidated the "Turkish lands", declared that Mosul Province was a part of the historic Turkish heartland. The British were in a precarious situation with the Issue of Mosul, and were adopting almost equally desperate measures to protect their interests. The Iraqi revolt against the British was put down by the RAF Iraq Command during the summer of 1920. From the British perspective, if Mustafa Kemal Atatürk stabilized Turkey, he would then turn his attention to Mosul and penetrate Mesopotamia, where the native population would probably join him thus bringing an insurgent and hostile Muslim nation to the very gates of India.

In 1923, Mustafa Kemal tried to persuade the GNA that accepting the arbitration of the League of Nations at the Treaty of Lausanne over Mosul did not mean relinquishing Mosul, but rather waiting for a time when Turkey might be stronger. The artificially drawn border had an unsettling effect on the population on both sides. Later, it was claimed that Turkey began where oil ends, as the border was drawn by the British geophysicists based on the oil reserves. Atatürk did not want this separation.[160] The British Foreign Secretary attempted to disclaim any existence of oil in the Mosul area. On 23 January 1923, Lord Curzon argued that the existence of oil was no more than hypothetical.[159] However, according to Armstrong, "England wanted oil. Mosul and Kurds were the key."[161]

While three inspectors from the League of Nations Committee were sent to the region to oversee the situation in 1924, the Sheikh Said rebellion, beginning in 1924 and escalating until 1927, set out to establish a new government positioned to cut Turkey's link to Mesopotamia. The relationship between the rebels and Britain was questioned. British assistance was sought after the rebels realised that the rebellion, or its expected outcome, could not stand by itself.[162]

In 1925, the League of Nations formed a three-member committee to study the case while the Sheikh Said Rebellion was on the rise. Partly because of the continuing uncertainties along the northern frontier (present-day northern Iraq), the committee recommended that the region should be connected to Iraq with the condition that the UK would hold the British Mandate of Mesopotamia. By the end of March 1925, the necessary troop movements were completed, and the whole area of the Sheikh Said rebellion was encircled.[163] As a result of these manoeuvres, the revolt was put down. Britain, Iraq and Kemal made a treaty on 5 June 1926, which mostly followed the decisions of the League Council. In 1926, Kemal faced growing opposition to his reform policies, a continuing precarious economic situation, and a defeat in the Mosul issue. A large section of the Kurdish population and the Iraqi Turkmen were left on the other side of the border. The Sheikh Said Rebellion hastened both the imposition of the Republican Party and the speed of Atatürk's reforms. In 1925, the population was largely illiterate and disparate. Turkey was in ruins, reconstruction was difficult, poverty was everywhere and people were in pain, which fed separatist violence.[164] Rather than to a section of the population, Mustafa Kemal attributed the rebellion to a group of notables, who on 7 March 1925 were found guilty by the courts (kanunen mucrim olan bazi muteneffizan) and who used the mask of religion to conceal the interests of landlords, feudal tribal leaders and other "reactionaries".[165]

Relations with the Russian SFSR/Soviet Union

In his message to Vladimir Lenin, the Bolshevik leader and head of the Russian SFSR's government, dated 26 April 1920, Kemal promised to coordinate his military operations with the Bolsheviks' "fight against imperialist governments" and requested 5 million lira in gold as well as armaments "as first aid" to his forces.[166] In 1920 alone, the Lenin government supplied the Kemalists with 6,000 rifles, over 5 million rifle cartridges, 17,600 projectiles as well as 200.6 kg of gold bullion; in the subsequent 2 years the amount of aid increased.[167]

In March 1921, the GNA representatives in Moscow signed the "Friendship and Brotherhood" Treaty with Soviet Russia, which was a major diplomatic breakthrough for the Kemalists. The Treaty of Moscow, followed by the identical Treaty of Kars in October the same year, gave Turkey a favourable settlement of its north-eastern frontier at the expense of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, then nominally an independent state.

Relations between the two countries were friendly, but were based on the fact that they were fighting against a common enemy: Britain and the West.[168] In 1920, Kemal toyed with the idea of using a state-controlled Turkish Communist Party to forestall the perceived spread of communist ideas in the country and gain access to the Comintern's financing.

"Friendship with Russia," said Mustafa Kemal, "is not to adopt their ideology of communism for Turkey."[168] He declared: "Communism is a social issue. Social conditions, religion, and national traditions of our country confirm the opinion that Russian Communism is not applicable in Turkey."[169] In a speech on 1 November 1924 he said: "Our amicable relations with our old friend the Soviet Russian Republic are developing and progressing every day. As in past our Republican Government regards genuine and extensive good relations with Soviet Russia as the keystone of our foreign policy."[168]

After the Turks, on 16 December 1925, withdrew their delegation from Geneva, thus leaving the League of Nations Council to grant a mandate for the Mosul region to Britain without their consent, Kemal countered[170] by concluding a non-aggression pact with the USSR on 17 December.[171] In 1935, the pact was prolonged for another 10 years.[172]

In 1933, the Soviet War minister Kliment Voroshilov visited Turkey and attended the tenth year celebrations of the Republic.[173] Kemal explained his position regarding the realization of his plan for a Balkan Federation economically uniting Turkey, Greece, Romania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria.[173]

During the second half of the 1930s, Mustafa Kemal tried to establish a closer relationship with Britain and other major western powers, which caused displeasure on the part of the Soviets. The second edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (Volume 20, 1953) was unequivocally critical of Kemal's policies in the last years of his rule, calling his domestic policies "anti-popular" and his foreign course as aimed at rapprochement with the "imperialist powers."[174]

Turkish-Greek alliance

The post-war leader of Greece, Eleftherios Venizelos, was also determined to establish normal relations between the two states. The war had devastated Western Anatolia, and the financial burden of Ottoman Muslim refugees from Greece blocked rapprochement. Venizelos moved forward with the agreement despite accusations of conceding too much on the issues of the naval armaments, and the properties of the Ottoman Greeks from Turkey according to the Treaty of Lausanne.[175] Kemal resisted the pressures of historic enmities or atrocity-mongering between the societies. In spite of Turkish animosity against the Greeks, Kemal showed acute sensitivity to even the slightest allusion to these tensions; at one point, he ordered the removal of a painting showing a Turkish soldier plunging his bayonet to a Greek soldier by stating, "What a revolting scene!".[176]

Ultimately, many Greeks consider the reconciliation with Turkey among the greatest foreign policy achievements of Venizelos' final term as Prime Minister. Greece renounced all its claims over Turkish territory and the two sides concluded an agreement on 30 April 1930. On 25 October, Venizelos visited Turkey, and signed a treaty of friendship.[177] Venizelos even forwarded Atatürk's name for the 1934 Nobel Peace Prize,[15] Even after his fall from power, Greco-Turkish relations remained cordial. Indeed, Venizelos' successor Panagis Tsaldaris came to visit Atatürk in September 1933 and signed a more comprehensive agreement called the Entente Cordiale between Greece and Turkey, which was a stepping stone for the Balkan Pact.

Greek Premier Ioannis Metaxas said of Atatürk and the Turkish-Greek alliance, that "...Greece, which has the highest estimation of the renowned leader, heroic soldier, and enlightened creator of Turkey. We will never forget that President Atatürk was the true founder of the Turkish-Greek alliance based on a framework of common ideals and peaceful cooperation. He developed ties of friendship between the two nations which it would be unthinkable to dissolve. Greece will guard its fervent memories of this great man, who determined an unalterable future path for the noble Turkish nation."

Neighbours to the east

From 1919, Afghanistan was in the midst of a reformation period under Amanullah Khan. Afghan Foreign Minister Mahmud Tarzi was a follower of Mustafa Kemal's domestic policy. He encouraged Amanullah Khan in social and political reform but urged that reforms should build upon the basis of a strong government. During the late 1920s, Anglo-Afghan relations soured over British fears of an Afghan-Soviet friendship. On 20 May 1928, Anglo-Afghan politics gained a positive perspective, when Amanullah Khan and the Queen were received by Mustafa Kemal in Constantinople. This meeting was followed by a Turkey-Afghanistan Friendship and Cooperation pact on 22 May 1928. Mustafa Kemal supported Afghanistan's integration into international organizations. In 1934, Afghanistan's relations with the international community gained a huge boost when it joined the League of Nations.[178] In 1937, King Zahir Shah became a signatory of the Treaty of Saadabad. Mahmud Tarzi received Mustafa Kemal's personal support until he died on 22 November 1933 in Istanbul.

Mustafa Kemal and Reza Shah had a common approach regarding British imperialism and its influence in their region, creating a slow but continuous rapprochement between Ankara and Tehran. Both governments sent diplomatic missions and messages of friendship to each other during the Turkish War of Independence.[179] The policy of the Ankara government in this period was to give moral support in order to assure Iranian independence and territorial integrity.[180] The relations were strained after the abolishment of the Caliphate. Iran's Shi'a clergy did not accept Kemal's position. Iranian religious power centres perceived the real motive behind Atatürk's reforms was to undermine the power of the clergy.[180] By the mid-1930s, Reza Shah's efforts had upset the clergy throughout Iran, thus widening the gap between religion and government.[181] Mustafa Kemal feared the occupation and dismemberment of Iran as a multi-ethnic/multi-tribal society by Russia or Great Britain.[180] Like Mustafa Kemal, Reza Shah wanted to secure Iran's borders. Reza Shah visited him in 1934. In 1935, the draft of what would become the Treaty of Saadabad was paragraphed in Geneva, but the signing of it was delayed because of the border dispute between Iran and Iraq. Iran challenged the validity of both the Treaty of Erzerum and the Constantinople Protocol in 1934.

On 8 July 1937, Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan signed the Saadabad Pact at Tehran. The signatories undertook to preserve their common frontiers, to consult together in all matters of common interest and to commit no aggression against one another's territory. The treaty united the Afghan king's call for greater Oriental-Middle Eastern cooperation, Reza Shah's goal in securing relations with Turkey that would help Iran free itself from Soviet and British influence, and Mustafa Kemal's foreign policy of securing stability in the region. The immediate outcome was to deter Mussolini from adventures in the region.[182]

Turkish Straits

On 24 July 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne included the Lausanne Straits Agreement. The Lausanne Straits Agreement stated that the Dardanelles should remain open to all commercial vessels: seizure of foreign military vessels was subject to certain limitations during peacetime, and, even as a neutral state, Turkey could not limit any military passage during wartime. The Lausanne Straits Agreement stated that the waterway was to be demilitarized, and its management left to the Straits Commission. The demilitarized zone heavily restricted Turkey's domination and sovereignty over the Straits. The defence of Constantinople was impossible without having the sovereignty over the water that passed through it.

In March 1936, Hitler's reoccupation of the Rhineland gave Mustafa Kemal the opportunity to resume full control over the Straits. "The situation in Europe", he declared "is highly appropriate for such a move. We shall certainly achieve it".[183] Tevfik Rüştü Aras, who was the foreign minister, initiated a move to revise the Straits' regime. Aras claimed that he was directed by the President, rather than his Prime Minister, İsmet İnönü. İnönü was worried about harming relations with Britain, France, and Balkan neighbors over the Straits. However, the signatories agreed to join the conference, since unlimited military passage had become unfavourable to Turkey with the changes in world politics. Mustafa Kemal demanded that the members of the Turkish Foreign Office devise a solution that would transfer full control over the waterway to Turkey.

On 20 July 1936, the Montreux Convention was signed, with the participation of Bulgaria, Great Britain, Australia, France, Japan, Romania, the Soviet Union, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Greece. It became the primary instrument governing the passage of commercial and war vessels through the Dardanelles Strait. It was ratified by the GNAT on 31 July 1936. It went into effect on 9 November 1936, and is still valid today.

Balkan Pact

Until the early 1930s, Turkey followed a modern neutral foreign policy with the West by developing joint friendship and neutrality agreements. These bilateral agreements were aligned with Mustafa Kemal's worldview. By the end of 1925, Turkey had signed fifteen joint agreements with Western states.

In the early 1930s, changes and developments in world politics required Turkey to make multilateral agreements to improve its security. Mustafa Kemal strongly believed that a close cooperation between the Balkan states based on the principle of equality would have an important effect on European politics. These states had been ruled by the Ottoman Empire for centuries, and had formed a powerful force. While the origins of the Balkan agreement may date back as far as 1925, the Balkan Pact came to being in the mid-1930s. Several important developments in the Balkan Peninsula and in Europe helped the original idea to materialize, such as improvements in the Turkish-Greek alliance and the rapprochement between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. The most important factor in driving Turkish foreign policy from the mid-1930s onwards was the fear of Italy. Benito Mussolini had frequently proclaimed his intention to make the entire Mediterranean Mare Nostrum. Both the Turks and the various Balkan states felt threatened by Italian ambitions.

The Balkan Pact was negotiated by Mustafa Kemal with Greece, Romania, and Yugoslavia. This mutual-defence agreement intended to guarantee the signatories' territorial integrity and political independence against attack by another Balkan state such as Bulgaria or Albania. It countered the increasingly aggressive foreign policy of fascist Italy and the effect of a potential Bulgarian alignment with Nazi Germany. Mustafa Kemal thought of the Balkan Pact as a medium of balance in the relations with the European countries.[184] He was particularly anxious to establish a region of security and alliances in the west of Turkey and in Balkan Europe, which would extend as far as Dobruja.[185]

The Balkan Pact provided for regular military and diplomatic consultations. It was regarded as a significant step forward in consolidating the free world's position in southeast Europe, although it contained no specific military commitments. The importance of the agreement was best displayed in the message which Atatürk sent to the Greek Premier, Ioannis Metaxas:

The borders of the allies in the Balkan Pact are a single border. Those who covet this border will encounter the burning beams of the sun. I recommend avoiding this. The forces that defend our borders are a single and inseparable force.[186]

It was signed by GNA on 28 February The Greek and Yugoslav Parliaments ratified the agreement a few days after. The unanimously ratified Balkan pact became a reality on 18 May 1935 and lasted until 1940.

The Balkan Pact turned out to be ineffective for reasons that were beyond Atatürk's control. What he wanted to prevent with the Balkan Pact was realized by Bulgaria's attempt to put the Dobruja issue into the agenda after a series of international events ending with the Italian invasion of Albania on 7 April 1939. These conflicts spread rapidly, triggering World War II. The goal of Atatürk, to protect southeast Europe, failed with the dissolution of the pact. The only state which arose intact after the war was Atatürk's Republic of Turkey.

Issue of Hatay

Turkish Prime-Minister İsmet İnönü was very conscious of foreign policy issues. During the second half of the 1930s, Atatürk tried to form a closer relationship with Britain. The risks of this policy change put the two men at odds. The Hatay issue and the Lyon agreement were two important developments in foreign policy that played a significant role in the severing of relations between Atatürk and İnönü.

In 1936, Atatürk raised the "Issue of Hatay" at the League of Nations. Hatay was based on the old administrative unit of the Ottoman Empire called the Sanjak of Alexandretta. On behalf of the League of Nations, the representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium and Turkey prepared a constitution for Hatay, which established it as an autonomous sanjak within Syria. Despite some inter-ethnic violence, in the midst of 1938 an election was conducted by the local legislative assembly. The cities of Antakya (Antioch) and İskenderun (Alexandretta) joined Turkey in 1939.
Economic policies

For conceptual analysis, see Economic reforms

Mustafa Kemal instigated economic policies to develop small and large scale businesses, but also to create social strata (industrial bourgeoisie along with the peasantry of Anatolia) that were virtually non-existent during the Ottoman Empire. The primary problem faced by the politics of his period was the lag in the development of political institutions and social classes which would steer such social and economic changes.[187] Mustafa Kemal's vision regarding early Turkish economic policy was apparent during the İzmir Economic Congress of 1923 which was established before the signing of the Lausanne Treaty. The initial choices of Mustafa Kemal's economic policies reflected the realities of his period. After World War I, due to the lack of any real potential investors to open private sector factories and develop industrial production, Kemal established many state-owned factories for agriculture, machinery, and textile industries.

State intervention, 1923–1929

Mustafa Kemal and İsmet İnönü's pursuit of state-controlled economical policies was guided by a national vision; their goal was to knit the country together, eliminate the foreign control of the economy, and improve communications within Turkey. Resources were channeled away from Constantinople, a trading port with international foreign enterprises, in favor of other, less developed cities, in order to establish a more balanced development throughout the country.[188]

For Mustafa Kemal, as for his supporters, tobacco remained wedded to his policy in the pursuit of economic independence. Turkish tobacco was an important industrial crop, while its cultivation and manufacture had been French monopolies under capitulations of the Ottoman Empire. The tobacco and cigarette trade was controlled by two French companies: the "Regie Company" and "Narquileh Tobacco".[189] The Ottoman Empire had given the tobacco monopoly to the Ottoman Bank as a limited company under the "Council of the Public Debt". Regie, as part of the Council of the Public Debt, had control over production, storing, and distribution (including export) with an unchallenged price control. Consequently, Turkish farmers were dependent on the company for their livelihood.[190] In 1925, this company was taken over by the state and named "Tekel". The control of tobacco was the biggest achievement of the Kemalist political machinery's "nationalization" of the economy for a country that did not produce oil. They accompanied this achievement with the development of the cotton industry, which peaked during the early 1930s. Cotton was the second biggest industrial crop in Turkey at the time.

In 1924, with the initiative of Mustafa Kemal, the first Turkish bank İş Bankası was established. He was the first member of İş Bankası. The bank's creation was a response to the growing need for a truly national establishment and the birth of a banking system which was capable of backing up economic activities, managing funds accumulated as a result of policies providing savings incentives, and, where necessary, extending resources which could trigger industrial impetus.

In 1927, Turkish State Railways was established. Because Mustafa Kemal considered the development of a national rail network as another important step in industrialization, it was given high priority. This institution developed an extensive railway network in a very short time. In 1927, Kemal also ordered the integration of road construction goals into development plans. Prior to this, the road network had consisted of 13,885 km of ruined surface roads, 4,450 km of stabilized roads, and 94 bridges. In 1935, a new entity was established under the government called "Şose ve Köprüler Reisliği" which would drive development of new roads after World War II. However, in 1937, the 22,000 km of roads in Turkey augmented the railways.

The national group[clarification needed], which had Mustafa Kemal as the leader, developed many projects within the first decade of the republic. However, the Turkish economy was still largely agrarian, with primitive tools and methods; roads and transportation facilities were far from sufficient and management of the economy was inefficient. The Great Depression brought many changes to this picture.

Great Depression, 1929–1931

The young republic, like the rest of the world, found itself in a deep economic crisis during the Great Depression. Mustafa Kemal reacted to conditions of this period by moving toward integrated economic policies, and establishing a central bank to control exchange rates. However, Turkey could not finance essential imports; its currency was shunned and zealous revenue officials seized the meagre possessions of peasants who could not pay their taxes.[188]

In 1929, Mustafa Kemal signed a treaty that resulted in the restructuring of the nation's debt with the Ottoman Public Debt Administration. He did not fault the Ottoman debt. He had to deal with the turbulent economic issues of the Great Depression along with the payment of the high debt known as the Ottoman public debt. Until the early 1930s, Turkish private business could not acquire exchange credits. It was impossible to integrate the Turkish economy without a solution to this problem. This increased the credibility of the new Republic.

In 1931, Mustafa Kemal's intention to establish the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey was realized. The bank's primary purpose was to have control over the exchange rate, and Ottoman Bank's role during its initial years as a central bank was phased out. Later specialized banks such as the Sümerbank (1932) and the Etibank (1935) were founded.

From the political economy perspective, Mustafa Kemal had to face the same problems which all countries faced: political upheaval. The establishment of a new party with a different economic perspective was needed; he asked Ali Fethi Okyar to fulfil. The Liberal Republican Party (August 1930) came out with a liberal program and proposed that state monopolies should be ended, foreign capital should be attracted, and that state investment should be curtailed. Mustafa Kemal supported İnönü's point of view: "it is impossible to attract foreign capital for essential development." In 1931, he proclaimed: "In the economic area ...the programme of the party is statism."[191] However, the effect of free republicans was felt strongly and state intervention became more moderate, more akin to a form of state capitalism. One of his radical left-wing supporters, Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu from the Kadro (The Cadre) movement, claimed that Mustafa Kemal found a third way between capitalism and socialism.[192]

Liberalization and planned growth, 1931–1939

The first (1929–1933) and second five-year economic plans were performed under the supervision of Mustafa Kemal. The first five-year economic plan promoted consumer substitution industries. However, these economic plans changed drastically with the death of Kemal and the rise of World War II. Subsequent governments took measures that harmed the economic productivity of Turkey in various ways.[193] The achievements of the 1930s were credited to early (1920s) implementation of the economic system based on the national policies of Mustafa Kemal and his team.[194]

In 1931, Mustafa Kemal watched the first national aircraft, MMV-1, develop. He realized the important role of aviation. In his words, "the future lies in the skies".[195] Turkish Aeronautical Association was founded on 16 February 1925 by his directive.[196] He ordered the establishment of the Turkish Aircraft Association Lottery. Instead of the traditional raffle prizes, this new lottery paid money prizes. Most of the lottery income was used to establish a new factory and fund aviation projects. Mustafa Kemal did not live to see the flight of the first Turkish military aircraft built at that factory. Operational American Curtiss Hawk fighters were being produced soon after his death and before the onset of World War II.

In 1932, liberal economist Celal Bayar became the Minister of Economy at Mustafa Kemal's request and served until 1937.[197] During this period, the country moved toward a mixed economy with its first private initiatives. Textile, sugar, paper and steel factories (financed by a loan from Britain) were the private sectors of the period. Besides these government owned power plants, banks, and insurance companies were established.

In 1935, the first Turkish cotton print factory "Nazilli Calico print factory" opened. Cotton planting was promoted to furnish raw material for future factory settlements, part of the industrialization process.[198] Nazilli became a major center beginning with the establishment of cotton mills and was followed by a calico print factory by 1935.[199][200]

In 1936 Nuri Demirağ established the first Turkish aircraft factory in the Beşiktaş district of Istanbul.[201] The first Turkish airplanes, Nu D.36 and Nu D.38, were produced in this factory.[201]

On 25 October 1937, Atatürk appointed Celal Bayar as the prime minister of the 9th government. Integrated economic policies reached their peak with the signing of the 1939 Treaty with Britain and France.[193] This signaled a turning point in Turkish history.[193] It was the first step towards an alliance with the "West".[193] Celal Bayar served as prime minister until Atatürk's death. The differences of opinion between İsmet İnönü (state control) and Celal Bayar (liberal) came to the forefront after İnönü became president in 1938. On 25 January 1939, Prime Minister Bayar resigned.

Mustafa Kemal supported the establishment of the automobile industry. He wanted it to become a center in the region. The motto of the Turkish automobile association was: "The Turkish driver is a man of the most exquisite sensitivities."[202]

During 1935, Turkey was becoming an industrial society on the Western European model set out by Atatürk.[203] At the time of his death, most regions of Turkey had viable micro-economic stability and some macro economic stability. These signs of sound economic policies were marked by the first-ever emergence of local banks. However, the gap between Mustafa Kemal's goals and the achievements of the socio-political structure of the country was not closed.[203]

Personal life

Mustafa Kemal's name is associated with four women: Eleni Karinte, Fikriye Hanım, Dimitrina Kovacheva[204] and Latife Uşaklıgil. Little is known of Mustafa Kemal's relationship with Eleni, who fell in love with him while he was a student in Bitola, Macedonia (Manastır in Turkish) but the relationship inspired a play by the Macedonian writer Dejan Dukovski, later filmed by Aleksandar Popovski.[205] Fikriye was a nominal cousin of Mustafa Kemal, though not related by blood (his stepfather Ragıp Bey's sister's daughter). Fikriye grew passionately attached to Mustafa Kemal; the full extent of his feelings for her is unclear but it is certain that they became very close after Fikriye divorced her Egyptian husband and returned to Istanbul. During the War of Independence, she lived with him in Çankaya, Ankara as his personal assistant. However, after the Turkish army entered İzmir in 1922, Mustafa Kemal met Latife while staying at the house of her father, the shipping magnate Muammer Uşakizade (later Uşaklı). Latife fell in love with Mustafa Kemal; again the extent to which this was reciprocated is unknown, but he was certainly impressed by Latife's intellect: she was a graduate of the Sorbonne and was studying English in London when the war broke out. On 29 January 1923, they were married. Latife was jealous of Fikriye and demanded that she leave the house in Çankaya; Fikriye was devastated and immediately left in a carriage. According to official accounts, she shot herself with a pistol Mustafa Kemal had given her as a present; however, it was rumoured that she was murdered.[206] The triangle of Mustafa Kemal, Fikriye and Latife became the subject of a manuscript by his close friend, Salih Bozok which remained unpublished until 2005.[207] Latife was briefly and literally the face of the new Turkish woman, appearing in public in Western clothing with her husband.[208] However, their marriage was not happy; after frequent arguments they were divorced on 5 August 1925.[209]

During his lifetime, Atatürk adopted thirteen children: a boy and twelve girls. Of these, the most famous is Sabiha Gökçen, Turkey's first female pilot and the world's first female fighter pilot.[210]

Illness and death

During 1937, indications that Atatürk's health was worsening started to appear. In early 1938, while he was on a trip to Yalova, he suffered from a serious illness. He went to Istanbul for treatment, where he was diagnosed with cirrhosis of the liver. During his stay in Istanbul, he made an effort to keep up with his regular lifestyle for a while. He died on 10 November 1938, at the age of 57, in the Dolmabahçe Palace, where he spent his last days.[211] The clock in the bedroom where he died is still set to the time of his death, 9:05 in the morning.

Atatürk's funeral called forth both sorrow and pride in Turkey, and 17 countries sent special representatives, while nine contributed armed detachments to the cortège.[156] Mustafa Kemal's remains were originally laid to rest in the Ethnography Museum of Ankara, and transferred on 10 November 1953, 15 years after his death in a 42-ton sarcophagus, to a mausoleum that overlooks Ankara,[212] Anıtkabir.

In his will, Atatürk donated all of his possessions to the Republican People's Party, providing that the yearly interest of his funds would be used to look after his sister Makbule and his adopted children, and fund the higher education of the children of İsmet İnönü. The remainder of this yearly interest was willed to the Turkish Language Association and the Turkish Historical Society.

Legacy

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is commemorated by many memorials throughout Turkey, such as the Atatürk International Airport in Istanbul, the Atatürk Bridge over the Golden Horn (Haliç), the Atatürk Dam, and Atatürk Stadium. Atatürk statues have been erected in all Turkish cities by Turkish Government, and most towns have their own memorial to him. His face and name are seen and heard everywhere in Turkey; his portrait can be seen in public buildings, in schools, on all Turkish lira banknotes, and in the homes of many Turkish families.[213] At the exact time of his death, on every 10 November, at 09:05 am, most vehicles and people in the country's streets pause for one minute in remembrance.[214]

In 1951, the Democrat Party-controlled Turkish parliament led by Prime Minister Adnan Menderes (despite being the conservative opposition to Atatürk's own Republican People's Party) issued a law (5816) outlawing insults to his memory (Turkish: hatırasına alenen hakaret) or destruction of objects representing him.[215] The demarcation between a criticism and an insult was defined as a political argument and the Minister of Justice (a political position) was assigned in Article 5 to execute the law rather than the public prosecutor. A government website was created to denounce the websites that violate this law.[216]

In 2007, YouTube, Geocities, and several blogger webpages were blocked by a Turkish court due to the violation of this law.[217] The YouTube ban in the country lasted for 30 months, in retaliation for four videos on Atatürk. These videos alleged that Atatürk was a Freemason, and was a homosexual, citing a book printed in Belgium on this subject that is currently banned in Turkey. In the last week of October 2010, a German company, following a request from the Turkish Internet Board, exploited YouTube automatic copyright-enforcement mechanism to take down the videos. On 30 October, shortly after the removal, a court lifted the ban. But a few days later, Google concluded that the videos did not infringe copyright and restored them on YouTube.[218]

In 2010, the French-based NGO Reporters Without Borders objected to the Turkish laws to protect the memory of Kemal Atatürk, saying they are in contradiction with the current European Union standards of freedom of speech in news media.[219]

Worldwide

In 1981, the centennial of Atatürk's birth, his memory was honoured by the United Nations and UNESCO, which declared it The Atatürk Year in the World and adopted the Resolution on the Atatürk Centennial.[13][14] The Atatürk Memorial in Wellington, New Zealand (which also serves as a memorial to the ANZAC troops who died at Gallipoli); the Atatürk Memorial in the place of honour on Anzac Parade in Canberra, Australia; the Atatürk Forest in Israel; and the Atatürk Square in Rome, Italy, are a few examples. He has roads named after him in several countries, like the Kemal Atatürk Marg in New Delhi, India, Kemal Atatürk Avenue in Dhaka, Bangladesh, the Atatürk Avenue in the heart of Islamabad, Pakistan, the Atatürk Road in the southern city of Larkana in Sindh province of Pakistan, which Atatürk visited in 1923, Mustafá Kemal Atatürk street in the Naco district of Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, and the street and memorial Atatürk in the Amsterdam-Noord borough of Amsterdam, Netherlands. The entrance to Princess Royal Harbour in Albany, Western Australia is named Atatürk Channel. There are many statues and streets named after Atatürk in Northern Cyprus.

Despite his radical secular reforms, Atatürk remained broadly popular in the Muslim world.[220] He is remembered for being the creator of a new, fully independent Muslim country at a time of encroachment by Christian powers, and for having prevailed in a struggle against Western imperialism.[220] When he died, the All-India Muslim League eulogised him as a "truly great personality in the Islamic world, a great general and a great statesman", declaring that his memory would "inspire Muslims all over the world with courage, perseverance and manliness".[220]

Awards and decorations

Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey

Ottoman Empire: Fifth Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Abdul Hamid II, (25 December 1906)
Ottoman Empire: Silver Imtiyaz Medal awarded by Mehmed V, (30 April 1915)
Ottoman Empire: Silver Liakat Medal awarded by Mehmed V, (1 September 1915)
Ottoman Empire: Golden Liakat Medal awarded by Mehmed V, (17 January 1916)
Ottoman Empire: Second Class Knight Order of Osmanieh awarded by Mehmed V, (1 February 1916)
Ottoman Empire: Second Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Mehmed V, (12 December 1916)
Ottoman Empire: Golden Imtiyaz Medal awarded by Mehmed V, (23 September 1917)
Ottoman Empire: First Class Knight Order of the Medjidie awarded by Mehmed V, (16 December 1917)
Ottoman Empire: Gallipoli Star awarded by Mehmed VI, (11 May 1918)
Turkey: Medal of Independence awarded by Grand National Assembly of Turkey, (21 November 1923)
Turkey: Murassa Order awarded by Turkish Aeronautical Association (20 May 1925)

Foreign honours

Kingdom of Bulgaria: Commander Grand Cross Order of Saint Alexander awarded by Ferdinand I, (1915)
German Empire: Iron Cross of the German Empire awarded by Wilhelm II, (1915)
Austria-Hungary: Military Merit Medal (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Franz Joseph I, (1916)
Austria-Hungary: 3rd Class Military Merit Cross (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Franz Joseph I, (27 July 1916)
German Empire: 1st Class Iron Cross of the German Empire awarded by Wilhelm II,(1917)
German Empire: 2nd Class Iron Cross of the German Empire awarded by Wilhelm II, (9 September 1917)
Austria-Hungary: 2nd Class Military Merit Cross (Austria-Hungary) awarded by Charles I,
Kingdom of Prussia: 1st Class Order of the Crown Prussia awarded by Wilhelm II, (1918)
Kingdom of Afghanistan: Alüyülala Order of Kingdom of Afghanistan awarded by Amānullāh Khān, (27 March 1923)

See also

flagTurkey portal Biography portal iconPolitics portal

İleri newspaper
Kemalism
List of covers of Time magazine (1920s) – 24 March 1923
Pan-Turkism
Turkish War of Independence
List of high-ranking commanders of the Turkish War of Independence
Timeline of the Turkish War of Independence
Young Turks

Notes

Zürcher, Turkey : a modern history, 142
Mastering Modern World History by Norman Lowe, second edition
Türkiye'nin 75 yılı , Tempo Yayıncılık, İstanbul, 1998, p.48,59,250
Sofos, Umut Özkırımlı & Spyros A. (2008). Tormented by history: nationalism in Greece and Turkey. New York: Columbia University Press. p. 167. ISBN 9780231700528. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "Tormented by history: nationalism in Greece and Turkey" defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
Toktas, Sule (2005). "Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey's Jewish Minority". Journal of Historical Sociology. 18 (4). Retrieved 7 January 2013. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "Citizenship and Minorities: A Historical Overview of Turkey's Jewish Minority" defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
Jongerden, edited by Joost; Verheij, Jelle. Social relations in Ottoman Diyarbekir, 1870–1915. Leiden: Brill. p. 300. ISBN 978-90-04-22518-3.
Kieser, Hans-Lukas, ed. (2006). Turkey beyond nationalism: towards post-nationalist identities ([Online-Ausg.] ed.). London: Tauris. p. 45. ISBN 9781845111410. Retrieved 7 January 2013. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "Turkey beyond nationalism: towards post-nationalist identities" defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
Öktem, Kerem (2008). "The Nation's Imprint: Demographic Engineering and the Change of Toponymes in Republican Turkey". European Journal of Turkish Studies (7). Retrieved 18 January 2013.
Aslan, Senem. "Incoherent State: The Controversy over Kurdish Naming in Turkey". European Journal of Turkish Studies. Retrieved 16 January 2013. "the Surname Law was meant to foster a sense of Turkishness within society and prohibited surnames that were related to foreign ethnicities and nations"
"Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'ün Nüfus Hüviyet Cüzdanı. (24.11.1934)". www.isteataturk.com. Retrieved 26 June 2013.
"Turkey commemorates Atatürk on 78th anniversary of his passing". Hürriyet Daily News. Retrieved 2017-11-21.
Jayapalan, N. (April 1999). Modern Asia Since 1900. Atlantic Publishers & Dist. ISBN 9788171567515.
"ATATURK: Creator of Modern Turkey". www.columbia.edu. Retrieved 2017-11-22.
Landau, Jacob M. (1984). Atatürk and the Modernization of Turkey. BRILL. ISBN 9004070702.
Nobel Foundation. The Nomination Database for the Nobel Prize in Peace, 1901–1955.[1]
Méropi Anastassiadou; Méropi Anastassiadou-Dumont (1997). Salonique, 1830–1912: une ville ottomane à l'âge des Réformes. BRILL. p. 71. ISBN 90-04-10798-3.
Cemal Çelebi Granda (2007). Cemal Granda anlatıyor. Pal Medya ve Organizasyon. ISBN 978-9944-203-01-2.[page needed]
Andrew Mango Atatürk: The Biography of the Founder of Modern Turkey, Overlook Press, 2002, ISBN 978-1-58567-334-6, p. 25, p.27ff. – "Feyzullah's family is said to have come from the country near Vodina (now Edhessa in western Greek Macedonia). The surname Sofuzade, meaning 'son of a pious man', suggests that the ancestors of Zübeyde and Ali Rıza had a similar background. Cemil Bozok, son of Salih Bozok, who was a distant cousin of Atatürk and, later, his ADC, claims to have been related to both Ali Rıza's and Zübeyde's families. This would mean that the families of Atatürk's parents were interrelated. Cemil Bozok also notes that his paternal grandfather, Safer Efendi, was of Albanian origin. This may have a bearing on the vexed question of Atatürk's ethnic origin. Atatürk's parents and relatives all used Turkish as their mother tongue. This suggests that some at least of their ancestors had originally come from Turkey, since local Muslims of Albanian and Slav origin who had no ethnic connection with Turkey spoke Albanian, Serbo-Croat or Bulgarian, at least so long as they remained in their native land. But in looks Atatürk resembled local Albanians and Slavs.[...] But there is no evidence that either Ali Riza or Zübeyde was descended from such Turkish nomads." page 28; "It is much more likely that Atatürk inherited his looks from his Balkan ancestors.[...] But Albanians and Slavs are likely to have figured among his ancestors."
Mango, Andrew, Atatürk: the biography of the founder of modern Turkey, (Overlook TP, 2002), p. 27.
Jackh, Ernest, The Rising Crescent, (Goemaere Press, 2007), p. 31, Turkish mother and Albanian father
Isaac Frederick Marcosson, Turbulent Years, Ayer Publishing, 1969, p. 144.
Falih Rıfkı Atay, Çankaya: Atatürk'ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar, İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 17. (in Turkish)
Vamık D. Volkan & Norman Itzkowitz, Ölümsüz Atatürk (Immortal Atatürk), Bağlam Yayınları, 1998, ISBN 975-7696-97-8, p. 37, dipnote no. 6 (Atay, 1980, s. 17)
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Mango, Atatürk, p. 37.
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Falih Rıfkı Atay, Çankaya: Atatürk'ün doğumundan ölümüne kadar, İstanbul: Betaş, 1984, p. 29. (in Turkish)
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